{"product_id":"140260","title":"The Tragedy of Great Power International Politics: The Era of US-China Hegemony Competition ","description":"\u003ccenter\u003e\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:center\"\u003e\u003cimg src=\"https:\/\/tmgdisk01.cafe24.com\/images\/vs\/4172\/sv\/3jYGWruKilAKBfwgpKV0KFXVq2h9UL.png?v=1765127881\" style=\"max-width:100%;max-height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:center;font-size:30px;font-weight:bolder;line-height:1.6em\"\u003e The Tragedy of Great Power International Politics: The Era of US-China Hegemony Competition \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"border-bottom:1px;border-bottom-style:dotted;border-color:;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable align=\"center\" width=\"100%\"\u003e\u003ctbody style=\"border:0px\"\u003e\n\n\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"center\" style=\"line-height:1.2em;text-align:center;font-size:18px;color:black;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px;\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\n\n\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"text-align:center\"\u003e\u003cimg src=\"https:\/\/image.yes24.com\/goods\/41715974\/XL\" style=\"max-width:100%;height:auto\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/tbody\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%;{split_style6}padding-top:20px;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:16px;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e Description \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;word-break:break-all;font-size:14px;line-height:1.6em;\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eBook Introduction\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e \u003cb\u003eThe reality of international politics cannot but be realistic.\u003cbr\u003e Mearsheimer's Offensive Realism in International Politics\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Since its first publication in 2001, this book has received enthusiastic praise and criticism from international political academics in the United States and around the world.\u003cbr\u003e It has been at the heart of debates in international political theory, ranging from praise for its stark examination of the harsh realities of international politics to skepticism for its overly pessimistic view of the subject.\u003cbr\u003e This book has become a must-read for anyone studying international politics, and was awarded the \"Rebgold Book\" (2001), which is awarded to a major work in the field of international politics. \u003cbr\u003eProfessor Mearsheimer, the author of this book, is considered one of the five scholars who have had the greatest influence on international politics over the past 20 years.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e A revised edition of this book was published in the United States in 2014, and in Korea in 2017 under the title The Tragedy of Great Power International Politics: The Era of US-China Hegemony Competition.\u003cbr\u003e In this book, the author maintains the same position of aggressive realism, also known as third-generation realism, as in the first edition.\u003cbr\u003e However, Chapter 10 poses the highly provocative question, \"Can China rise peacefully?\" and argues that the hegemonic competition between the United States and China has become an inevitable reality.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In this book, Professor Mearsheimer presents Offensive Realism, which goes beyond classical realism and neorealism (defensive realism), and proves his theory using historical examples. \u003cbr\u003eOffensive realism belongs to the realist school of thought in that it believes that power and national interests, rather than norms or morals, govern the relations between nations.\u003cbr\u003e However, it differs from classical realism in that it finds the reason why states pursue power not in human instinct but in the structure of the international system, which is a state of anarchy, and it differs from neorealism in that states are not satisfied with maintaining a balance of power but seek to achieve overwhelming power that can overwhelm other states.\u003cbr\u003e\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e You can preview some of the book's contents.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cspan\u003ePreview\u003c\/span\u003e\n\n\u003c\/li\u003e\u003c\/ul\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eindex\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e 01 Introduction\u003cbr\u003e aggressive realism\u003cbr\u003e Liberalism vs. Realism\u003cbr\u003e Liberal America and Power Politics\u003cbr\u003e The plan for this book\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 02 Anarchy and the Struggle for Power\u003cbr\u003e Why Nations Seek Power\u003cbr\u003e The limits of hegemony\u003cbr\u003e Power and fear\u003cbr\u003e Prioritization of national goals\u003cbr\u003e Creation of world order\u003cbr\u003e cooperation between countries\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 03 Wealth and Power \u003cbr\u003eThe material basis of national power\u003cbr\u003e Population and Wealth: The Driving Force of Military Power\u003cbr\u003e The economic basis of military power\u003cbr\u003e The gap between potential national power and military power\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 04 Superiority of Army Power\u003cbr\u003e Conquest vs. Coercion\u003cbr\u003e The limits of independent naval power\u003cbr\u003e The limitations of strategic air forces\u003cbr\u003e The overwhelming importance of the army\u003cbr\u003e The barrier of the sea\u003cbr\u003e Nuclear Weapons and the Balance of Power\u003cbr\u003e Measurement of military power\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 05 Survival Strategies\u003cbr\u003e National objectives at the operational level\u003cbr\u003e Strategy for increasing national power\u003cbr\u003e Strategies to deter invading nations\u003cbr\u003e Strategies to Avoid\u003cbr\u003e Concessions for realistic reasons\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 06 Actions of the Great Powers\u003cbr\u003e Japan (1868-1945)\u003cbr\u003e Germany (1862-1945)\u003cbr\u003e Soviet Union (1917-1991)\u003cbr\u003e Italy (1861-1943)\u003cbr\u003e Self-destructive behavior?\u003cbr\u003e nuclear arms race\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 07 Overseas Balancers: Britain and the United States\u003cbr\u003e The Rise of American Power (1800-1900)\u003cbr\u003e America and Europe, 1900-1990\u003cbr\u003e The United States and Northeast Asia, 1900-1990\u003cbr\u003e British Grand Strategy, 1792–1990\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 08 Efforts for Balance and Passing the Blame\u003cbr\u003e When do countries try to shift responsibility?\u003cbr\u003e Revolutionary and Napoleonic France (1789–1815) \u003cbr\u003eBismarck's Prussia (1862–1870)\u003cbr\u003e Kaiser Wilhelm's Germany (1890-1914)\u003cbr\u003e Nazi Germany (1933–1941)\u003cbr\u003e Cold War Era (1945-1990)\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 09 Causes of Great Power Wars\u003cbr\u003e International Political Structure and War\u003cbr\u003e Bipolar vs. Multipolar\u003cbr\u003e Balanced multipolar system vs. unbalanced multipolar system\u003cbr\u003e The Great Power Wars of Modern Europe, 1792–1990\u003cbr\u003e analyze\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e 10 Can China Rise Peacefully?\u003cbr\u003e Summary of Offensive Realism Theory\u003cbr\u003e America's pursuit of hegemony\u003cbr\u003e China follows the path taken by the United States\u003cbr\u003e Forming a coalition for balance\u003cbr\u003e Is a US-China war possible?\u003cbr\u003e Hope for a peaceful era\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eInto the book\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e Chapter 2, perhaps the most important chapter in this book, will lay the groundwork for my theory of why states compete for power and why they pursue hegemony.\u003cbr\u003e In Chapters 3 and 4 of this book, what force is will be defined and how to measure force will be discussed. \u003cbr\u003eThe purpose is to provide a basis for verifying my theory.\u003cbr\u003e Unless we understand what power is and how states choose different strategies to maximize their relative power in the world, we cannot know whether states are acting according to offensive realism.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 3 will focus primarily on the potential power of nations, including their population and wealth.\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 4 deals with actual military power.\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 4 will be a particularly long one, in which I will argue for the “primacy of land power” and the “stopping power of the water.”\u003cbr\u003e These efforts are novel and potentially controversial.\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 5 will discuss the strategies adopted by great powers to acquire and maintain power. \u003cbr\u003eHere we will have a detailed discussion of the usefulness of war as a means of acquiring power.\u003cbr\u003e I want to focus on balancing and buck-passing, two important strategies that great powers adopt when faced with threats from other great powers that threaten the current equilibrium.\u003cbr\u003e In chapters 6 and 7, we will examine historical records to find evidence to justify aggressive realism.\u003cbr\u003e In particular, we will compare the behavior of the great powers between 1792 and 1990 to see whether their actions are consistent with the explanation of offensive realism.\u003cbr\u003e In Chapter 8, I present a simple theory on when great powers adopt a balancing strategy and when they adopt a shifting-the-buck strategy, and I test these theories based on historical examples. \u003cbr\u003eChapter 9 focuses on the causes of the war.\u003cbr\u003e Here I will present a simple theory and test whether it matches reality.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 10 focuses on the rise of China, which will become the most important issue in international politics in the 21st century.\u003cbr\u003e In particular, it will raise the crucial question of whether China will rise peacefully.\u003cbr\u003e I will use my theory to analyze how an increasingly powerful China will relate to its Asian neighbors and the United States.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- p.69\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Considering the history of the Cold War and the fact that both the United States and China are nuclear powers, one might think that an actual shooting war between the two countries is highly unlikely in the near future.\u003cbr\u003e However, this conclusion is not correct. \u003cbr\u003eAlthough the existence of nuclear weapons may be a powerful factor in preventing a major war between the United States and China, future US-China competition in Asia will likely take place in an environment more prone to war than was the case in Europe during the Cold War.\u003cbr\u003e In particular, geographic factors and the imbalance of power between the United States and China make war more likely than it was between the United States and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1990.\u003cbr\u003e -p.\u003cbr\u003e 524\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The picture I paint of what will happen if China continues to rise is not pretty.\u003cbr\u003e In reality, it's completely bleak.\u003cbr\u003e I would like to say something hopeful about peace in Asia.\u003cbr\u003e But the reality is not like that. \u003cbr\u003eInternational politics is a dangerous business, and no matter how well-intentioned a country may be, when a country with the will to become a hegemon emerges, whether in Europe or Asia, there is no way to alleviate the serious security competition.\u003cbr\u003e There is ample reason to believe that China will ultimately seek hegemony in the Asian region.\u003cbr\u003e\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e --- p.\u003cbr\u003e 544\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003ePublisher's Review\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e The reality of international politics cannot but be realistic.\u003cbr\u003e Mearsheimer's Offensive Realism in International Politics\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Since its first publication in 2001, this book has received enthusiastic praise and criticism from international political academics in the United States and around the world.\u003cbr\u003e It has been at the heart of debates in international political theory, ranging from praise for its stark examination of the harsh realities of international politics to skepticism for its overly pessimistic view of the subject. \u003cbr\u003eThis book has become a must-read for anyone studying international politics, and was awarded the \"Rebgold Book\" (2001), which is awarded to a major work in the field of international politics.\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer, the author of this book, is considered one of the five scholars who have had the greatest influence on international politics over the past 20 years.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e A revised edition of this book was published in the United States in 2014, and in Korea in 2017 under the title The Tragedy of Great Power International Politics: The Era of US-China Hegemony Competition.\u003cbr\u003e In this book, the author maintains the same position of aggressive realism, also known as third-generation realism, as in the first edition.\u003cbr\u003e However, Chapter 10 poses the highly provocative question, \"Can China rise peacefully?\" and argues that the hegemonic competition between the United States and China has become an inevitable reality.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eIn this book, Professor Mearsheimer presents Offensive Realism, which goes beyond classical realism and neorealism (defensive realism), and proves his theory using historical examples.\u003cbr\u003e Offensive realism belongs to the realist school of thought in that it believes that power and national interests, rather than norms or morals, govern the relations between nations.\u003cbr\u003e However, it differs from classical realism in that it finds the reason why states pursue power not in human instinct but in the structure of the international system, which is a state of anarchy, and it differs from neorealism in that states are not satisfied with maintaining a balance of power but seek to achieve overwhelming power that can overwhelm other states.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Why Great Powers Inevitably Clash\u003cbr\u003e Offensive realism's analysis of the structure of the international system and the behavior of great powers\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The 20th century was a century of tremendous international violence. \u003cbr\u003eDuring World War I, approximately 9 million people perished.\u003cbr\u003e More than 50 million people lost their lives in World War II.\u003cbr\u003e As soon as World War II ended, the Cold War engulfed the entire globe.\u003cbr\u003e Although the Soviet Union and the United States did not fight directly during the Cold War, millions of lives were lost in proxy wars fought in Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, and Angola.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer says that even in the 21st century, the international system will not be able to escape this cycle of violence.\u003cbr\u003e This is because the great powers that make up the international system fear each other and, as a result, engage in a constant competition for power.\u003cbr\u003e In situations where one cannot be certain of the other party's military power and intentions, the best way to ensure one's own security is to have overwhelming power. \u003cbr\u003eTherefore, all great powers seek superiority over their opponents, which inevitably leads to conflict between the great powers.\u003cbr\u003e There is no way to avoid this tragic situation unless the nations that make up the international system agree to establish a world government.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer believes that all great powers ultimately aim to become hegemons.\u003cbr\u003e Because that is the most perfect way to ensure the survival of one's country.\u003cbr\u003e However, no country can become a global hegemon.\u003cbr\u003e Even the most powerful superpower cannot project enough force to cross a vast ocean and subdue its rivals.\u003cbr\u003e However, it is possible to achieve hegemonic status in one's own region, as the United States has achieved in the Western Hemisphere. \u003cbr\u003eNo nation in the Western Hemisphere may threaten the United States militarily or economically or act against the United States' core interests.\u003cbr\u003e A nation that has achieved a hegemonic position in its own region has as its primary national goal the prevention of the emergence of a hegemonic power in another region or continent.\u003cbr\u003e Because the emergence of another hegemon would threaten the exceptional position enjoyed by the existing regional hegemons in their regions and in the world.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The United States, the world's most powerful nation, is the most realistic.\u003cbr\u003e America's strategic goals as the sole regional hegemon\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In a word, America's history is one of establishing its hegemony in the Western Hemisphere while simultaneously preventing the emergence of a hegemon that could rival it in Europe and Asia. \u003cbr\u003eBeginning as a small nation on the eastern coast of North America, the United States achieved a territorial expansion unprecedented in history during the 19th century, while simultaneously driving the European powers out of the Western Hemisphere and preventing them from intervening there again.\u003cbr\u003e This was the Manifest Destiny for the American people, and the goal pursued by the Monroe Doctrine.\u003cbr\u003e By the late 19th century, the United States had established hegemony in the Western Hemisphere, making it an exceptionally secure nation.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e As the dominant power in the Western Hemisphere, the United States thwarted attempts by Kaiser Wilhelm's Germany, Nazi Germany, and the Soviet Union during the Cold War to dominate Europe, and crushed Imperial Japan's ambitions for hegemony in Asia. \u003cbr\u003eThe United States initially shifted the responsibility to regional powers to deter potential hegemons, but when that became impossible on their own, it intervened directly to crush hegemonic challengers.\u003cbr\u003e This offshore balancer strategy has been America's most important tactic, and it will not change in the future.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e After the end of the Cold War, the United States waged wars against weaker nations like Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya without any regard for other great powers, and launched a war on terrorism after 9\/11, but now it is focused on great power international politics.\u003cbr\u003e This is because China is emerging as a potential hegemon in the Asian region based on rapid economic growth.\u003cbr\u003e The United States, as it has in the past, will seek to prevent China from becoming the dominant power in Asia. \u003cbr\u003eBecause the United States will not tolerate the existence of any country that poses a challenge to it on the world stage.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e It is no exaggeration to say that this book is intended to help us understand the United States as the most important actor in the international system.\u003cbr\u003e It clearly presents the process through which the United States became the dominant power in the Western Hemisphere, and how it has intervened and will intervene in the balance of power in Europe and Asia.\u003cbr\u003e Historically, the United States has never sent troops solely for the purpose of maintaining peace, rather than maintaining a balance of power.\u003cbr\u003e The United States has always acted as realism dictates when it comes to important national strategies.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Is the hegemonic rivalry between the US and China inevitable?\u003cbr\u003e The Prospects of the US-China Conflict from an Aggressive Realist Perspective\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer says that if China's economic development continues for a significant period of time, it will follow the path taken by the United States. \u003cbr\u003eIn other words, China will try to dominate Asia just as the United States dominates the Western Hemisphere.\u003cbr\u003e China's pursuit of hegemony in Asia is not because Chinese culture is inherently aggressive or because its leaders are misguided, but because it is the best guarantee of China's survival.\u003cbr\u003e China has already become the second-largest economy after the United States, with a population four times larger than that of the United States.\u003cbr\u003e China may become a more powerful potential threat than any of the four hegemonic challengers the United States faced in the past: Wilhelmine Germany, Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, and the Soviet Union.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e A stronger China will seek to drive the United States out of the Asia-Pacific region, much as the United States did in the Western Hemisphere in the mid-19th century, and will likely devise a Chinese version of the Monroe Doctrine. \u003cbr\u003eIn fact, China has made it clear that it intends to push the US Navy beyond the first island chain connecting the Greater Sunda Islands to Japan, the Philippines, and Taiwan, and even beyond the second island chain.\u003cbr\u003e China also claims that the South China Sea, a strategically important sea area, is its inherent waters and that the United States has no right to intervene in any territorial disputes that arise in the South China Sea.\u003cbr\u003e A much stronger China, like the United States, will have security interests spanning the globe and will seek the ability to project power beyond Asia and into the world.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e However, the fact that China's power is growing is being felt not only by China but also by the United States and China's neighbors, and the feeling that China must be contained before its power grows further is also growing stronger. \u003cbr\u003eThe United States will seek to prevent China from becoming a hegemon in Asia, and to this end, it will seek to build a balancing coalition with China's neighbors who fear its rise to contain China.\u003cbr\u003e The United States has already made significant progress in this regard through its 'Pivot to Asia' strategy.\u003cbr\u003e In response, China is making efforts to break the US-led anti-China balance coalition through strategies such as the Belt and Road Initiative.\u003cbr\u003e Ultimately, it is highly likely that a serious security competition similar to that of the Cold War will arise between China and the United States, and the possibility of a US-China war breaking out cannot be ruled out in the process.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer says that unlike Europe during the Cold War, there is a possibility of a localized, limited war in Asia despite the presence of nuclear weapons. \u003cbr\u003eUnlike the central front in Europe during the Cold War, conflict zones in Asia are geographically dispersed, making them relatively less likely to escalate into large-scale war or nuclear war.\u003cbr\u003e He also says that the imbalance of power between China and other Asian countries, and the growing hyper-nationalism in Asian countries, especially in China, increase the likelihood of war in Asia.\u003cbr\u003e What is clear is that the possibility of a future US-China war is much higher than the possibility of a US-Soviet war during the Cold War.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The days of An Mi-gyeong-jung will never come again.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Korea's Geopolitics and Strategic Choices\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In a 2011 interview with Korean media, Professor Mearsheimer said, “Korea is in the most disadvantaged geopolitical position in the world.\u003cbr\u003e Korea lives in a geopolitical environment where not even the slightest mistake is tolerated. \u003cbr\u003e“All Koreans must think strategically,” he said.\u003cbr\u003e As Professor Mearsheimer said, now is the time for Koreans to think and act strategically for national survival.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has tolerated China's economic growth and supported its integration into the international system, while China has focused on economic growth while adhering to the international rules established by the United States.\u003cbr\u003e At that time, South Korea was in a strategically advantageous position to strengthen its security alliance with the United States while expanding its economic relationship with China.\u003cbr\u003e But these days of peace and quiet will never come again.\u003cbr\u003e Because China's rapid economic and military rise is changing the balance of power in Asia.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eSouth Korea will increasingly be forced to choose between actively joining a US-led anti-China coalition or succumbing to the threat of China as a potential hegemon and aligning itself with China.\u003cbr\u003e At least at this stage and in the near future, it would be the worst strategic choice for South Korea to abandon the United States and join China.\u003cbr\u003e China does not yet possess the economic and military power to compete with the United States.\u003cbr\u003e The United States is not only the sole regional hegemon in the current international system, but also has numerous allies across the globe.\u003cbr\u003e Moreover, China is constrained by a global balance of power that is overwhelmingly favorable to the United States.\u003cbr\u003e Moreover, from a geopolitical perspective, it is a strategically wrong choice for South Korea to side with China, a potential threat neighboring country. \u003cbr\u003eChina, having become a hegemonic power, will severely restrict Korea's sovereignty and freedom of action, and will be able to easily dominate Korea simply by making military and economic threats.\u003cbr\u003e South Korea, more than any other country, has a strong strategic and security interest in containing China's rise as a potential hegemon.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e China will further strengthen its efforts to separate South Korea from the trilateral alliance between South Korea, the US, and Japan, which is the core of its anti-China balance coalition.\u003cbr\u003e As political and military confrontations between the United States and China intensify over issues such as the THAAD deployment, the South China Sea dispute, and North Korea, South Korea's economic relationship with China is likely to suffer a serious blow.\u003cbr\u003e In order to prevent China from arbitrarily threatening economic retaliation or severing economic ties with Korea, it is essential to ensure symmetry in the economic dependence relationship. \u003cbr\u003eThe more symmetrical the economic dependence, the less likely China is to engage in serious economic retaliation without suffering losses of its own.\u003cbr\u003e More importantly, unless Korea rebuilds its economic relationship with China on the strategic foundation of the ROK-US alliance, it will remain vulnerable to Chinese economic threats.\u003cbr\u003e The US-China hegemony competition has just begun, and the recent THAAD retaliation may be just a preview.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e What would happen if the US withdrew from Asia?\u003cbr\u003e The US New Balance Strategy and the ROK-US Alliance as a Strategic Asset\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The argument that the United States will strengthen its engagement policy in Asia and lead the containment of China in the future is based on two premises. \u003cbr\u003eThe fact that China will reach economic and military parity with the United States in the near future, and that the major powers in the Asian region will not be able to contain China on their own, is a major concern.\u003cbr\u003e If either of these fails, the United States is likely to withdraw its troops from Asia.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In fact, some in American society are calling for the withdrawal of US troops stationed in Korea, Japan, and Germany.\u003cbr\u003e In 2014, American strategist Peter Zeihan wrote in his book, “I’m not sure the United States still needs to guard the Demilitarized Zone and Charlie Point (a US military checkpoint in Germany).” \u003cbr\u003eIn 2015, Bremmer, editor-in-chief of Time magazine, argued that the United States should shift from being “indispensable to the world” to “independent from international affairs,” a claim that gained support from many Americans.\u003cbr\u003e This trend of the United States shifting responsibility for the balance of power in their regions to other major powers has intensified since President Trump's election.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer argues in this book that if China's rapid economic growth halts and China loses the possibility of dominating Asia, the United States will likely withdraw most of its troops stationed in Asia.\u003cbr\u003e This means the United States is shifting its role from an onshore balancer to a traditional offshore balancer in the Asian region. \u003cbr\u003eIf the US military withdraws from Asia, it is highly likely that security provision to South Korea will also be discontinued.\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer says that in this case, South Korea will have to continue to live among dangerous neighbors and worry about its national survival.\u003cbr\u003e In particular, he says, South Korea will have to deal with surrounding powers such as China, Japan, and Russia without the help of the United States.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e It's not hard to imagine what the future holds for Korea when the United States disappears from the balance of power in Asia.\u003cbr\u003e It is also quite predictable how China and Japan, with whom we have geopolitical and historical adversarial relations, will act toward Korea. \u003cbr\u003eHow will South Korea safeguard its sovereignty and security amidst a still-powerful China, which, while not yet a threat to American hegemony, is militarized against it? Some might recall the late Joseon Dynasty, a period a century ago when it was an arena for the great powers' struggle. Others might recall the Korean War that broke out shortly after liberation, following the withdrawal of US troops.\u003cbr\u003e It is true that Korea's national power has grown beyond comparison to 100 years ago, but what matters in international politics is relative national power.\u003cbr\u003e Is Korea's relative national power truly at a level that can guarantee its survival and future? France's vehement opposition to the withdrawal of US troops from Europe holds significant implications for Koreans.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Since the signing of the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty on October 1, 1953, the ROK-U.S. alliance has been the practical foundation of Korea's security and prosperity. \u003cbr\u003eAll of Korea's current enemies or potential enemies want the collapse of the ROK-US alliance.\u003cbr\u003e Not only China and North Korea, but even Japan secretly wants the collapse of the ROK-US alliance.\u003cbr\u003e It may be that the only ones who need the ROK-US alliance now are the United States and South Korea.\u003cbr\u003e The United States needs a strong Asian nation that can check China while also keeping Japan in check.\u003cbr\u003e If the United States is confident that a unified Korea will stand by the United States and fulfill that role, it will be willing to support a Korean-led unification.\u003cbr\u003e For South Korea, the United States is its best ally, both geopolitically and ideologically.\u003cbr\u003e If South Korea were to lose the ROK-US alliance for any reason, it would be like losing its greatest strategic asset.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Professor Mearsheimer said this in the [Korean edition preface] of this book: \u003cbr\u003e“The core message this book seeks to convey is that nations living in the dangerous world of international politics have no choice but to compete with other nations for power.\u003cbr\u003e Even nations content to live in peace are inevitably drawn into a constant struggle for power.\u003cbr\u003e …finding the right national security strategy for South Korea in the coming decades will not be an easy task.\u003cbr\u003e Nevertheless, if South Korea is to maintain national security, it will have no choice but to carefully consider the long and difficult questions of alliance structure, the balance of power, the actions of great powers, and nuclear weapons.” I highly recommend this book to anyone interested in South Korea’s national survival and future. \u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%;padding-top:20px;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:16px;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e GOODS SPECIFICS \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:14px;line-height:1.6em;\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eDate of issue:\u003c\/strong\u003e May 31, 2017\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003ePage count, weight, size:\u003c\/strong\u003e 663 pages | 856g | 152*225*35mm\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n \u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e- \u003cstrong\u003eISBN13:\u003c\/strong\u003e 9788989566700\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eISBN10:\u003c\/strong\u003e 8989566703 \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cspan\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\n\n\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/center\u003e","brand":"LIBRAIRIE COREENNE","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":43894295330858,"sku":"140260","price":37.0,"currency_code":"EUR","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0683\/2750\/5962\/files\/e0fcdebc3ec292cb87c57234a7d78ce3.jpg?v=1765430715","url":"https:\/\/librairie.coreenne.fr\/en\/products\/140260","provider":"LIBRAIRIE COREENNE","version":"1.0","type":"link"}