{"product_id":"140789","title":"Qualifications of the President ","description":"\u003ccenter\u003e\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:center\"\u003e\u003cimg src=\"https:\/\/tmgdisk01.cafe24.com\/images\/vs\/4172\/sv\/WQtVOQgor7LDmH2IeAVrpP.png?v=1764956275\" style=\"max-width:100%;max-height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:center;font-size:30px;font-weight:bolder;line-height:1.6em\"\u003e Qualifications of the President \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"border-bottom:1px;border-bottom-style:dotted;border-color:;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable align=\"center\" width=\"100%\"\u003e\u003ctbody style=\"border:0px\"\u003e\n\n\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"center\" style=\"line-height:1.2em;text-align:center;font-size:18px;color:black;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px;\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\n\n\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"text-align:center\"\u003e\u003cimg src=\"https:\/\/image.yes24.com\/goods\/143056382\/XL\" style=\"max-width:100%;height:auto\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/tbody\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%;{split_style6}padding-top:20px;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:16px;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e Description \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;word-break:break-all;font-size:14px;line-height:1.6em;\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eBook Introduction\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e Former Minister of Environment Yoon Yeo-joon worked in government administration for over 20 years, including in the Blue House, the executive branch, the National Assembly, and political parties.\u003cbr\u003e Including the 10 years he worked as a political reporter before entering public office, he has been directly or indirectly involved in running the country for over 30 years. \u003cbr\u003eHis father, Mr. Yoon Seok-oh, also served as secretary to Dr. Syngman Rhee from 1945, immediately after liberation, and after the establishment of the government in 1948, he continued to work as Vice Minister of General Affairs for two more years, showing that both father and son worked in the Presidential Office.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In 2011, during the Lee Myung-bak administration, the author published “Qualifications of the President” in which he sharply commented on past presidents.\u003cbr\u003e The book borrows the conceptual framework of 'statecraft' ('governance capacity' or 'governance strategy'), and knowledge of Eastern and Western imperial studies and governance studies enriches the discussion.\u003cbr\u003e It goes without saying that the author's political experience and extensive reading are the foundation of this book. A revised and expanded edition was published in 2025, after three presidential elections.\u003cbr\u003e Here, the author diagnoses the merits and demerits of 14 years of national administration.\u003cbr\u003e It is encouraging that Korea has escaped the 'middle-income trap' and entered the ranks of developed countries.\u003cbr\u003e However, the crisis in the political and social aspects is more urgent than in the past. \u003cbr\u003eThe biggest problem is that politics, which exists to solve social and economic problems, has lost its original function and is instead functioning as an obstacle to the national economy.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The book is divided into three parts.\u003cbr\u003e Part 1 is the concept of 'statecraft' traced through the historical discourses of the East and the West, Part 2 is an evaluation of the statecraft of past presidents, and Part 3 is the main content of the author's thoughts on the qualifications of the president.\u003cbr\u003e The revised and expanded edition revised and supplemented President Lee Myung-bak's statecraft evaluation from 2011.\u003cbr\u003e New evaluations of Presidents Park Geun-hye, Moon Jae-in, and Yoon Seok-yeol have been added here.\u003cbr\u003e In Part 3, the author's lectures and subsequent research and commentary since the publication of the 2011 work have been added.\u003cbr\u003e If the 2011 work was written independently, the revised and expanded edition is marked as co-authored.\u003cbr\u003e The co-author is writer Han Yun-hyeong.\u003cbr\u003e The content added to the revised and expanded edition was interviewed and drafted by Han Yun-hyeong, and reviewed and revised by Yoon Yeo-jun.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eWe live in an era where 'political civil war' is intensifying and there are even concerns about 'physical civil war'.\u003cbr\u003e Everyone says that the current constitution has reached its limits, and some even argue that the presidential system should be abolished.\u003cbr\u003e Nevertheless, South Korea must still hold a new presidential election without amending the constitution.\u003cbr\u003e At this point, it is more urgent to discuss the ‘qualifications of the president.’\u003cbr\u003e This book will serve as essential knowledge not only for those who aspire to rule the Republic of Korea, those who wish to assist such leaders, but also for citizens who wish to imagine what kind of person a worthy ruler would be and what kind of country such a ruler would rule.\u003cbr\u003e\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eindex\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e To the revised and expanded edition\u003cbr\u003e preface\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cb\u003ePart 1: What is Statecraft?\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 1 Introduction\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e South Korea, a history of miracles\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Reflection on the Nation\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 2: The State and Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e political community or nation\u003cbr\u003e 2. \u003cbr\u003eStatecraft (governance or national management)\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 3: Statecraft in Traditional Eastern Countries\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e Traditional Chinese Statecraft: Focusing on the Zhenguan Zhengyao\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Traditional statecraft in the Korean Peninsula\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 4 Statecraft in Western Countries\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in Western pre-modern states\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in Western modern states\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 5: Statecraft in the Modern State\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft of a latecomer country\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in modern democracies\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 6 Conclusion\u003cbr\u003e The future of South Korea depends on statecraft.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cb\u003ePart 2 Statecraft of the President of the Republic of Korea\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 1: The Legacy of the Japanese Colonial Period\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 2: The Impact of Liberated Space on Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 3: The First Republic and President Syngman Rhee's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 4: April 19 and May 16, or Statecraft in Choosing the Path to Modernization\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2. \u003cbr\u003eThe Fall of the Syngman Rhee Government and the Interim Government from a Statecraft Perspective\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft of the Democratic Party government\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e The Democratic Party government's statecraft revealed during the collapse of the regime\u003cbr\u003e 5.\u003cbr\u003e The nature of May 16 and new statecraft\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 5: President Park Chung-hee's Statecraft and Merits and Flaws\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft during the military regime\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Export-oriented economic development plan and statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e The Limits of Authoritarian Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 5.\u003cbr\u003e Yushin Regime and Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 6.\u003cbr\u003e Lessons for today\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 6: Statecraft of Presidents Choi Kyu-hah and Chun Doo-hwan\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e 'Spring in Seoul' and the Extension of Authoritarianism\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft of President Chun Doo-hwan of the Fifth Republic\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Democratization Process and Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e A Comprehensive Evaluation of President Chun Doo-hwan's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 7 President Roh Tae-woo and Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1. \u003cbr\u003eThe Emergence of a New Democratic Statecraft After the June 29 Declaration\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in the early days of the administration, when the opposition party was in power\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e President Roh's statecraft during the latter half of his term under the opposition party\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e President Roh Tae-woo's Statecraft Evaluation\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 8: President Kim Young-sam's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Achievements and Problems of Early Reforms\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in the mid-period of the Kim Young-sam administration\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e The total failure of the final days of the Kim Young-sam administration\u003cbr\u003e 5.\u003cbr\u003e President Kim Young-sam's Statecraft Evaluation\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 9 President Kim Dae-jung's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft during the first half of President Kim Dae-jung's term\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in the latter half of President Kim Dae-jung's term\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e President Kim Dae-jung's Statecraft Evaluation\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 10: President Roh Moo-hyun's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in the early days of President Roh Moo-hyun's administration\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft during the second half of President Roh Moo-hyun's term\u003cbr\u003e 4. \u003cbr\u003ePresident Roh Moo-hyun's Statecraft Evaluation\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 11 President Lee Myung-bak's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e A leadership crisis in the first year of his term\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e The Characteristics and Problems of President Lee Myung-bak's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 12: President Park Geun-hye's Statecraft Closing Remarks\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e A politician who wanted to be president but didn't?\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Impeachment is a result of failure to accept public opinion.\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 13: President Moon Jae-in's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in political reform and socio-economic issues\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Statecraft in North Korea Policy and Foreign Affairs\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e Cracks in the support base and the failure to recreate the regime\u003cbr\u003e 5.\u003cbr\u003e President Moon Jae-in's Statecraft Evaluation\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 14: President Yoon Seok-yeol's Statecraft\u003cbr\u003e 1.\u003cbr\u003e introduction\u003cbr\u003e 2.\u003cbr\u003e The \"anti-activist forces\" that came to power to fight the activist forces\u003cbr\u003e 3.\u003cbr\u003e Shedding the virtues of 'pragmatic conservatism'\u003cbr\u003e 4.\u003cbr\u003e conclusion\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e\u003cb\u003ePart 3 Conclusion\u003cbr\u003e In 2025, the public once again asks about the \"qualifications of the presidency,\" and Yoon Yeo-jun answers.\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 1: Re-Questioning the President's Qualifications\u003cbr\u003e In 2025, the presidential qualifications will be questioned again.\u003cbr\u003e Overcoming the 1987 regime and achieving proper change\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 2: Presidential Qualifications as Answered by Yoon Yeo-jun\u003cbr\u003e Qualifications for the President: Six Abilities and Two Qualities\u003cbr\u003e Four Qualities of Words and Conduct Required of a President\u003cbr\u003e Three Presidential Social Views\u003cbr\u003e Balanced national view\u003cbr\u003e A perspective on North Korea based on checks and balances and negotiations\u003cbr\u003e Insight is power\u003cbr\u003e Like a monarch who knows how to rule over his longevity\u003cbr\u003e Career and morality\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Chapter 3: The People Must Become More Mature\u003cbr\u003e Epilogue\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eInto the book\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e We have all recently witnessed the 'unfitness of the president' and have been heartbroken to see how ridiculous a person who is put in a position of responsibility can become.\u003cbr\u003e It is comforting to see the level of resistance from the younger generation, who seem to embody democracy much more than the older generation. \u003cbr\u003eHowever, this moment, when we feel the 'unqualification of the president' so keenly, may be the time to question the 'qualification of the president' again.\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"On the Revised and Expanded Edition\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The majority of the people were suffering from a serious mental and emotional illness of defeatism and self-destruction.\u003cbr\u003e While the theories of Japanese imperialism's invasion, such as 'Asiatic despotism', 'peninsular character theory', and 'stasis theory', were prevalent, we ourselves were caught up in a 'culture of resentment', and an extreme sense of defeatism was rampant in our society, with the idea that 'we can't do it (meaning that Koreans can't do it either).'\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From “Introduction, Part 1, Chapter 1”\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Therefore, to avoid confusion in terminology, here we will refer to the state in the general sense as a body politic (or polity), which is an academic term, unlike the modern nation-state.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 1, Chapter 2\"\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eEmperor Taizong of Tang believed that floods and disasters were simply the laws of nature, and that governing a country was like planting a tree. If you cherish and nurture it, it will prosper day by day, but if you don't, it will wither and die over time.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 1, Chapter 3\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The first person to seriously and directly consider the principles and techniques of governance of a modern state was Niccolo Machiavelli.\u003cbr\u003e Above all, he deeply explored how to build, maintain, and prosper the 'stato', the early modern state that was emerging at the time.\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 1, Chapter 4\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Thus, the experience of colonial rule led to the formation of opposing ideas among Koreans: a highly powerful state and a people who submit to or resist it. \u003cbr\u003eThis oppressive ruling system and behavior not only caused Koreans to resist foreign rule, but also to have an extremely negative perception of the modern state itself.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 1\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e If at that time, even the 200 or so vicious and high-ranking pro-Japanese collaborators had been properly punished, it would have been difficult for the perception to arise that Korean society had failed to properly “liquidate pro-Japanese collaborators” and thus justice had not been served.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 3\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e May 16 needs to be viewed in the context of April 19.\u003cbr\u003e To conclude, they were two different political responses that arose under identical socio-economic conditions and within the same fundamentally political structure, and they came from two different forces: students and soldiers.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 4\"\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eHowever, the Yushin regime was difficult to run even for the most outstanding individuals, as it aimed for a high degree of centralization and personalization of power.\u003cbr\u003e Moreover, after the death of First Lady Yuk Young-soo, President Park began to show a significant decline in her sense of governance.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 5\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e He showed an obsession with victory in running the country based on the hegemonic value that 'the principle of politics is that those with power do what they want.'\u003cbr\u003e If President Park Chung-hee was a meticulous staff-type, President Chun Doo-hwan was a combat commander who appeared to be arrogant, and was closer to a proactive, reckless problem-solver who created favorable situational conditions.\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 6\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e At the time, the Blue House staff even self-deprecatingly referred to themselves as a \"mayfly government.\" \u003cbr\u003eIt appears that President Roh's popularity-oriented leadership style, which is sensitive to public opinion and values ​​legitimacy, appearance, and image over substance, has had a significant influence on this.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 7\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Reform is a double-edged sword.\u003cbr\u003e The sharper the blade, the more likely it is to end up hurting oneself when the one holding the hilt is weak in morality and justification.\u003cbr\u003e The Kim Young-sam administration, which prioritized reform, was no exception.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 8\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e He made immortal contributions to the struggle for democracy and was eventually able to rise to the top leadership of the country.\u003cbr\u003e He demonstrated his outstanding qualities as a politician and succeeded in ‘starting a business’.\u003cbr\u003e However, he revealed significant problems in running the country as president, that is, in 'Su-seong'.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 9\"\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eBy the end of his term, the consensus among most people in society, regardless of whether they were conservative or progressive, was that President Roh Moo-hyun's administration had been a failure.\u003cbr\u003e However, after leaving office, he tragically ended his life while under investigation by prosecutors on charges of receiving illegal funds, which led to the formation of an atmosphere of remembrance.\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 10\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The most regrettable thing about President Lee Myung-bak's governance was the lack of publicness, which is a core value of statecraft.\u003cbr\u003e On the one hand, state power is delegated to public officials through elections, but this does not mean that they can operate everything they want during their term as long as it does not violate the law.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 11\"\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eIn that sense, if the problem with the Lee Myung-bak administration's governing style was the 'lack of publicness,' then the Park Geun-hye administration was monopolizing power by privatizing the public sphere without even recognizing what publicness is.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 12\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e President Moon Jae-in expanded his political influence to the presidency not through his personal charisma, but as the eldest brother and leader of the pro-Roh group that came together after the tragic death of former President Roh Moo-hyun.\u003cbr\u003e His reputation for being a good person was also proof that he was not at odds with anyone in the group.\u003cbr\u003e That may be true, but there was no way to rule the Republic of Korea without being at odds with anyone.\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 13\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e I had mixed feelings watching President Yoon Seok-yeol's downfall. \u003cbr\u003eWhile I was wondering, 'How did Korea's conservatives get to this point when they weren't even this bad?', I also felt that they must have been helpless in the face of a president who was running wild because I had experienced firsthand how opportunistic they were.\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 14\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e President Yoon's statecraft is unprecedented since the founding of the Republic of Korea, and if we must compare it, we must go back to the pre-modern history of the East and compare it to those who were called \"foolish kings who were ignorant of reason\" and \"dark rulers.\"\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 2, Chapter 14\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Since democratization, we have experienced four horizontal regime changes, each with its own unique form, and have thus far experienced both left-right and right-wing approaches to state administration.\u003cbr\u003e We have also had both professional and professional politicians become presidents. \u003cbr\u003eAs a result, we were able to realize that if we do not elect a president who possesses proper statecraft, it will be difficult to run the country normally, let alone achieve national development.\u003cbr\u003e --- From \"Part 3, Chapter 1\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e When democratic values ​​are internalized, there will be no misunderstandings about the position of president.\u003cbr\u003e The president should not be at the top of a vertical hierarchy, but should occupy a position similar to that of a \"chief among fellow citizens.\"\u003cbr\u003e You should think of yourself as riding high on the shoulders of your fellow citizens and cabinet staff, assisted by them.\u003cbr\u003e The President is merely the head of the executive branch, and should not be mistaken for the head of state.\u003cbr\u003e The role of the president as head of state is purely in the realm of foreign relations, but there have been many who mistakenly believed that the president should also act as a head of state who transcends the executive branch in the realm of domestic politics.\u003cbr\u003e\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e --- From \"Part 3, Chapter 2\"\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e  \u003ch5\u003e\u003cb\u003ePublisher's Review\u003c\/b\u003e\u003c\/h5\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e \u003cb\u003eIn an era of growing fear of civil war, the qualifications of the president must be reassessed.\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In early 2025, Korean society is facing the threat of a civil war, with the impeachment of the president and a new presidential election imminent.\u003cbr\u003e A large part of the cause of this situation cannot be denied in the culture in which politicians are evaluated based on partisan advantages and disadvantages, while the fundamental question of \"the qualifications of the president\" is dismissed as \"desktop theory.\"\u003cbr\u003e Since the launch of the Sixth Republic in 1987, our democracy has seemed to be developing little by little.\u003cbr\u003e However, since the 2010s, as political polarization has deepened, politics has gradually become dysfunctional due to the ‘routineness of political strife’ and has been unable to play a role in improving the lives of the community.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e\"The Qualifications of a President\" is a book in which the author, who has long served in public office primarily under conservative governments and political parties, combines the theoretical knowledge he has honed through reading with the practical knowledge he has accumulated over the years to desperately explore what the \"qualifications of a president\" are that our society needs.\u003cbr\u003e To this end, Part 1 outlines the theories of imperialism and governance in the East and the West, and Part 2 evaluates the 'statecraft' ('governance ability' or 'state management') of past presidents.\u003cbr\u003e In Part 3, I describe my own conclusions from such research.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In particular, as we look at the discussion in Part 2, we come to think that the polarization of politics we are currently experiencing is also a product of an overly extreme partisan understanding of modern Korean history. \u003cbr\u003eThe historical criticism of the industrialization forces, which only evaluates the contributions of Syngman Rhee, Park Chung-hee, or even Chun Doo-hwan in a more extreme way, is narrow-minded, but the historical discourse and narrative of the pro-democracy and progressive camps, which have excessively downplayed the roles and contributions of the presidents before democratization, are also not sufficiently neutral.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e For example, the author criticizes President Syngman Rhee for failing to liquidate pro-Japanese collaborators by disbanding the Special Committee on Anti-National Activities.\u003cbr\u003e However, as can be seen from the fact that the Special Committee on Anti-Japanese Collaborators at the time actually indicted 221 people, and that the 263 major pro-Japanese collaborators that Kim Gu mentioned as targets for liquidation were major pro-Japanese collaborators, I do not think that we should have liquidated at least thousands of pro-Japanese collaborators after liberation, as the progressive camp thinks, but rather “I wish that even a few of the worst pro-Japanese collaborators had been punished to the maximum extent possible.” \u003cbr\u003eFurthermore, when evaluating Park Chung-hee, it is diagnosed that while his authoritarian leadership in itself cannot serve as a role model for today's politics, certain elements of his leadership can be sufficiently evaluated as positive.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Also, regarding the leaders of the post-democratization era, he diagnosed that both Presidents Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung were successful in starting businesses but failed to maintain them, and even mentioned the old classic saying, “You can conquer the world on horseback, but you cannot govern it on horseback.”\u003cbr\u003e This analysis, which applies the arguments of Eastern imperialism to the political leaders of democratic nations, possesses a rare originality and insight.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The author's assessment of 'statecraft' becomes more scathing and harsh as it approaches more recent presidents. \u003cbr\u003eThis does not necessarily mean that people today are inferior to those of the past, but rather that the role of politics in managing the development and growth of society has not matured in step with it.\u003cbr\u003e Ultimately, when describing presidents who have been or will soon be impeached by the Constitutional Court, the descriptions tend to be based on lessons learned from others.\u003cbr\u003e Nevertheless, in a time when scribes ridicule politicians by saying, \"Anyone would be better than those people,\" \"Qualifications for the President\" does not give up on serious consideration of what kind of people we should elect to protect our community, but strives to present alternatives.\u003cbr\u003e Thus, this book will be a faithful feast, filled with sincere efforts, prepared for those who want to go beyond ridicule and cynicism and delve into old arguments to find new alternatives. \u003cbr\u003e\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%;padding-top:20px;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:16px;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e GOODS SPECIFICS \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:14px;line-height:1.6em;\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eDate of issue:\u003c\/strong\u003e February 20, 2025\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n \u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e- \u003cstrong\u003ePage count, weight, size:\u003c\/strong\u003e 569 pages | 842g | 150*255*25mm\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eISBN13:\u003c\/strong\u003e 9791198868015\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eISBN10:\u003c\/strong\u003e 1198868015 \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cspan\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\n\n\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/center\u003e","brand":"LIBRAIRIE COREENNE","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":43894392782890,"sku":"140789","price":36.0,"currency_code":"EUR","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0683\/2750\/5962\/files\/6176e896fd4de55274398adf6919b6da.jpg?v=1765432469","url":"https:\/\/librairie.coreenne.fr\/en\/products\/140789","provider":"LIBRAIRIE COREENNE","version":"1.0","type":"link"}