It is true that during the Joseon Dynasty, Song Si-yeol was respectfully called ‘Songja.’
However, the only ones who elevated him to the status of Song Ja were a certain political party within the ruling class.
The common people did not call him Songja.
Of course, political parties other than the one he belonged to did not call him Songja.
The only party that supported him as a son was the Noron faction.
Regionally, he was revered as Songja only in the Giho region, the stronghold of the Noron faction.
Among his opponents, the Namin (南人), he was nothing more than a 'dog name', let alone a 'sonja'.
It is not an exaggeration, but in fact, in the Yeongnam region, which was the stronghold of the Namins until recently, the name of the dog raised by one's family was called 'Siyeol-i'.
Even at this very moment, in some village in the Yeongnam region, some house may be calling its dog "Siyeol" just like it used to be, without even knowing why.

---From "The Leading Text"

After receiving the courtesy of a king and subject from King Injo, Emperor Taizong of the Qing returned to Shenyang, taking with him princes such as Crown Prince Sohyeon and Prince Bongrim, as well as Oh Dal-je and Yun Jip, the leaders of the expulsion theory, as hostages.
For the Joseon Dynasty, it was an indelible disgrace, and for the people, it was a case of suffering terribly under the hooves of a foreign enemy once again before they could even recover the farmland devastated by the Imjin War due to the ideological foreign policy of the coup regime.
But all history is a mixture of light and darkness.
A crisis can be an opportunity if used well.
Although Prince Sohyeon was taken to Shenyang in humiliation, this could have been a good opportunity to read the world situation and become an opportunity to actively respond to the rapidly changing world situation.
If only the ruling class of Joseon had the vision to turn crisis into opportunity and opportunity into reality.

---From "Chapter 2: The Collapsing Framework of Coexistence"

The first Yesong Debate ended in apparent victory for Song Si-yeol and the Seoin faction.
King Hyeonjong forbade the mention of the issue, saying, “If anyone ever slanders each other again with the same name, I will punish them severely,” but the royal authority had already suffered a serious blow.
The very fact that the subjects were fighting over the king's cloning was a sign of the decline of royal authority.
This was something that could not have happened in a country with such strong royal authority as China.
Through the first Yesong Controversy, suspicions grew that the Westerners did not recognize the Joseon royal family as a real royal family.
However, the first controversy over the annual mourning period ended with the wearing of mourning clothes according to international customs.
The second controversy over the rites of mourning, which took place 15 years later, was overturned by international law, which had been decided to be a one-year mourning period.
---From "Chapter 4: From Coexistence to Rejection"

This is called 'Mokhoryong's confession' or 'Iminoksa', and about 20 people were executed, 30 people were tortured to death, 10 people were strangled as accomplices, and over 100 people were exiled.
There were also nine women who took their own lives because they could not bear to see their families fall apart.
The root of this tragic incident lay in the Noron faction's attempt to remove the legitimately enthroned king and install a figure they supported as king.
In a dynastic state, the act of selecting a king by subjects, called 'Taekgun', was itself treason, but when the Noron faction took the path of 'Taekgun', the normal political system of the dynastic state collapsed and an extreme 'kill or be killed' political strife broke out over the throne.

---From "Chapter 5: The Vicious Cycle of Political Manipulation"

The theory of King Gyeongjong's poisoning was not something that could be resolved through the coexistence of the Noron and Soron factions.
This was not only a conflict between individuals and political parties, but also an expression of the limitations of Joseon's political system.
The fact that the throne itself became a target of political strife between factions meant that the basic framework of the dynastic state had collapsed.
This was also a clash between the political monopoly of a small number of aristocrats who were isolated from the people and the development situation at the bottom of society.
Although the Myeoncheon Law implemented by Seoae Ryu Seong-ryong during the Imjin War was abolished after Ryu Seong-ryong was overthrown, it caused the caste system itself to be rejected in the hearts of the people.
As agricultural productivity developed, some commoners and middle-class people who had become wealthy demanded political participation, which was evident in their participation in and provision of political funds for several reforms during the reign of King Sukjong.
In line with the demand for relaxation of the caste system, there was a demand for a change in the political system monopolized by the Yangban class.
The Neo-Confucian political ideology, which was based on the rule of the peasants by the aristocracy, could no longer lead society.

---From "Chapter 6: Political Strife in the Past"

The goal of the war of independence was not to revive a kingdom that had already fallen, but to establish a democratic republic based on the separation of powers.
The noblemen who gathered from all over the country no longer dreamed of a class society in which the noblemen ruled over the people.
It did not aim for a class-based society in which the king personally inspected all occasions by receiving a mandate from heaven.
They dreamed of sending away such a Neo-Confucian society along with the ruined country and creating a new society.
He dreamed of a society where all people were equal, where absolute individual freedom was guaranteed, and where people helped each other out.
That path was a new path, completely different from the path that Joseon's noblemen had walked until then.
---From "Chapter 8: The Collapse of Party Politics and Factional Politics"

The greatest tragedy in the history of Joseon politics lies in the fact that the Seoin (Noron) faction, which had been in power for nearly 300 years from the Gyehae Coup in 1623 until 1910, ultimately sold out the country.
Led by the last leader of the Noron faction, Yi Wan-yong, most of the Eulsa Five Traitors and Jeongmi Seven Traitors were Noron factions. Although they lost political power after the fall of the country, they maintained their social and economic power and dominated colonial society.
The descendants of the Noron faction, who failed to liquidate pro-Japanese elements after liberation, still cast a dark shadow over our society.
In particular, the anti-historical phenomenon of the Noron faction and pro-Japanese descendants continuing to dominate the academic world, including the field of history, continues.
The future of our society depends on how we correct this reality, where the most flawed group in Joseon's political history still wields influence.

---From "Outgoing Writing"