In the battlefield of power and the media
 |
Description
Book Introduction
The fall of the far-right ended in madness, and that madness turned on me.
Why I Decided to Write the Truth
The conflict between the Chosun Ilbo and the Park Geun-hye administration, and the process of selecting victims.
The stigma a conservative newspaper editor from Honam had to endure
To establish common sense for journalists, common sense for the law, and common sense for society
This book is a meticulously written testimony by Song Hee-young, former editor-in-chief of the Chosun Ilbo, detailing the nine-year trial process and the targeting she experienced amidst the conflict between power and the media during the Park Geun-hye administration, based on legal evidence such as court testimony, investigation records, and interviews.
What happens when 'freedom of the press' clashes with the interests of those in power? This book summarizes the timeline from TV Chosun's investigation into Choi Soon-sil to the Supreme Court's remand and the High Court's ruling.
In this book, almost all characters appear under their real names, and the reality of the so-called "summoning and swearing torture" is vividly described, in which the prosecution repeatedly summons a specific person to the "magpie room" in the basement of the prosecutor's office and applies mental pressure to them late into the night with verbal abuse, shouts, and sexually harassing remarks in order to obtain a false confession.
It also recorded that the Park Geun-hye administration attempted to lobby the Chosun Ilbo for its cooperation in the April 2016 general election, but when Song Hee-young refused, the government began investigating Song Hee-young's personal corruption immediately after the defeat in the general election.
This book, which shows how the relationship between power and the press can shake democracy through the attacks on power and internal conflicts within the media during the impeachment of Park Geun-hye and the nine-year trial process, goes beyond a simple autobiographical confession and is the only testimony in Korea that contains the reality of the war that took place on the "front lines of press freedom."
It vividly shows how political prosecutors, under orders from the regime, manipulate and distort cases before indicting them, and how judges, who are usually criticized by the media, hand down retaliatory rulings against journalists.
The author reflects on an incident he personally experienced and questions the tyranny of power in a democratic society, the responsibility of the press, and the limitations and responsibilities of journalists.
Why I Decided to Write the Truth
The conflict between the Chosun Ilbo and the Park Geun-hye administration, and the process of selecting victims.
The stigma a conservative newspaper editor from Honam had to endure
To establish common sense for journalists, common sense for the law, and common sense for society
This book is a meticulously written testimony by Song Hee-young, former editor-in-chief of the Chosun Ilbo, detailing the nine-year trial process and the targeting she experienced amidst the conflict between power and the media during the Park Geun-hye administration, based on legal evidence such as court testimony, investigation records, and interviews.
What happens when 'freedom of the press' clashes with the interests of those in power? This book summarizes the timeline from TV Chosun's investigation into Choi Soon-sil to the Supreme Court's remand and the High Court's ruling.
In this book, almost all characters appear under their real names, and the reality of the so-called "summoning and swearing torture" is vividly described, in which the prosecution repeatedly summons a specific person to the "magpie room" in the basement of the prosecutor's office and applies mental pressure to them late into the night with verbal abuse, shouts, and sexually harassing remarks in order to obtain a false confession.
It also recorded that the Park Geun-hye administration attempted to lobby the Chosun Ilbo for its cooperation in the April 2016 general election, but when Song Hee-young refused, the government began investigating Song Hee-young's personal corruption immediately after the defeat in the general election.
This book, which shows how the relationship between power and the press can shake democracy through the attacks on power and internal conflicts within the media during the impeachment of Park Geun-hye and the nine-year trial process, goes beyond a simple autobiographical confession and is the only testimony in Korea that contains the reality of the war that took place on the "front lines of press freedom."
It vividly shows how political prosecutors, under orders from the regime, manipulate and distort cases before indicting them, and how judges, who are usually criticized by the media, hand down retaliatory rulings against journalists.
The author reflects on an incident he personally experienced and questions the tyranny of power in a democratic society, the responsibility of the press, and the limitations and responsibilities of journalists.
- You can preview some of the book's contents.
Preview
index
preface
prolog
Chapter 1: "I was tortured by the prosecutors 42 times."
Park Soo-hwan's court testimony was rocky from the start.
“The lawyer didn’t attend and only signed later.”
Investigating prosecutor: "The Chosun Ilbo has decided to abandon Song Hee-young tomorrow."
The Fierce Life of a Self-Made Female Entrepreneur
"Detention Center Diary": A Prosecutor's Ingenious Interrogation Techniques
A prosecutor removing calluses from the suspect's heels in front of him
The climax is 'Magpie Room Confinement' and 'Bul-ro Pong Torture'
'Ultimatum' and 'Sleeping with the Enemy'
Chapter 2: TV Chosun's Attack on the Most Sensitive Area of Power
Different paths for newspapers and broadcasting
The Chosun Ilbo exposed Woo Byung-woo immediately after TV Chosun's Choi Soon-sil filming.
TV Chosun, facing reapproval, applies pressure on Choi Soon-sil with Mir Foundation revelations.
The Chosun Ilbo's Silence on the Mir Foundation and K-Sports Foundation Corruption
Chapter 3: The Blue House's Intelligence Failures and Misjudgments
Park Geun-hye's obsession with details
'Friend in Suffering' and 'Scene Stealer'
A sudden shift in the Blue House's target
The conspiracy theory framed as "a planned exposure by the Chosun Ilbo and left-wing forces."
The Blue House failed to grasp basic information
Chapter 4: The editor-in-chief of a conservative newspaper from Honam
Was Park Geun-hye's first prey a fortune teller or a writer?
The determination that 'there is no other way but to die like this'
Woo Byung-woo's retention is the signal for an indiscriminate all-out attack.
Prosecutors appear to have provided investigative materials following the revelations of the "pro-Park Geun-hye assault squad."
The unscrupulous reporter who enjoyed a luxurious trip on a chartered plane.
The Asahi Shimbun's "White Rainbow" Painting Incident and the Chosun Ilbo
Who Was on the Chosun Ilbo Blacklist?
Chapter 5: Assassins Never Come Alone
A Five-Pronged Media Play to Create a "Social Burial"
The living protagonist of the movie "Insiders"
Ahn Jong-beom's fake news leaks and the prosecution's unique techniques
The Dong-A Ilbo's "100-Year Competition": A Series of Scoops
The Dong-A Ilbo exaggerated the "family company" suspicion.
The Gap Between the Chosun Ilbo and the Taegeukgi Force
Schadenfreude: A Psychology of Frustration More Thrilling Than Sex
Chapter 6: Why Park Geun-hye Chose to Fight the Chosun Ilbo
The moderate conservatives were the first to defect due to Park Geun-hye's far-right policy.
The pro-Park misconception that public opinion is being read in the opposite direction
The Blue House's Chief of Public Relations's Outrageous Public Relations
Seniors warn that Park Geun-hye will be exposed harshly in the media.
Park Geun-hye Warns of Kim Moo-sung and the Chosun Ilbo's 2017 Presidential Election Alliance
Was the investigation into Daewoo Shipbuilding, a battleground of revenge and bloodshed, intended to slaughter pro-Lee Myung-bak factions?
Park Geun-hye's Path, the Taegeukgi Unit's Path, the Chosun Ilbo's Path
Chapter 7: Masters of Manipulation
5,000 pages of investigative records prove Ha's order to investigate immediately after the 2016 general election defeat.
Prosecutors' report denies Ko Jae-ho's "Korean Shipbuilding Industry Sales Manager"
The head of Hyosung Group is covering up the dirt he has spread.
A country where the burden of proof is not on the prosecutor
Common sense of a reporter, common sense of a prosecutor, common sense of society
The highlight of the impression trial and the prejudice trial is the Supreme Court
Supreme Court Justice Kim Seon-su suppressed freedom of the press by citing vague "implicit requests."
Chapter 8: The Salem Witch Hunts
Campfire kindling decorated the eve of the impeachment drama
'Professional Distancing' and the Journalist's Karma
Witches who make a living by witch-hunting
Timeline of the incident
Thank you
prolog
Chapter 1: "I was tortured by the prosecutors 42 times."
Park Soo-hwan's court testimony was rocky from the start.
“The lawyer didn’t attend and only signed later.”
Investigating prosecutor: "The Chosun Ilbo has decided to abandon Song Hee-young tomorrow."
The Fierce Life of a Self-Made Female Entrepreneur
"Detention Center Diary": A Prosecutor's Ingenious Interrogation Techniques
A prosecutor removing calluses from the suspect's heels in front of him
The climax is 'Magpie Room Confinement' and 'Bul-ro Pong Torture'
'Ultimatum' and 'Sleeping with the Enemy'
Chapter 2: TV Chosun's Attack on the Most Sensitive Area of Power
Different paths for newspapers and broadcasting
The Chosun Ilbo exposed Woo Byung-woo immediately after TV Chosun's Choi Soon-sil filming.
TV Chosun, facing reapproval, applies pressure on Choi Soon-sil with Mir Foundation revelations.
The Chosun Ilbo's Silence on the Mir Foundation and K-Sports Foundation Corruption
Chapter 3: The Blue House's Intelligence Failures and Misjudgments
Park Geun-hye's obsession with details
'Friend in Suffering' and 'Scene Stealer'
A sudden shift in the Blue House's target
The conspiracy theory framed as "a planned exposure by the Chosun Ilbo and left-wing forces."
The Blue House failed to grasp basic information
Chapter 4: The editor-in-chief of a conservative newspaper from Honam
Was Park Geun-hye's first prey a fortune teller or a writer?
The determination that 'there is no other way but to die like this'
Woo Byung-woo's retention is the signal for an indiscriminate all-out attack.
Prosecutors appear to have provided investigative materials following the revelations of the "pro-Park Geun-hye assault squad."
The unscrupulous reporter who enjoyed a luxurious trip on a chartered plane.
The Asahi Shimbun's "White Rainbow" Painting Incident and the Chosun Ilbo
Who Was on the Chosun Ilbo Blacklist?
Chapter 5: Assassins Never Come Alone
A Five-Pronged Media Play to Create a "Social Burial"
The living protagonist of the movie "Insiders"
Ahn Jong-beom's fake news leaks and the prosecution's unique techniques
The Dong-A Ilbo's "100-Year Competition": A Series of Scoops
The Dong-A Ilbo exaggerated the "family company" suspicion.
The Gap Between the Chosun Ilbo and the Taegeukgi Force
Schadenfreude: A Psychology of Frustration More Thrilling Than Sex
Chapter 6: Why Park Geun-hye Chose to Fight the Chosun Ilbo
The moderate conservatives were the first to defect due to Park Geun-hye's far-right policy.
The pro-Park misconception that public opinion is being read in the opposite direction
The Blue House's Chief of Public Relations's Outrageous Public Relations
Seniors warn that Park Geun-hye will be exposed harshly in the media.
Park Geun-hye Warns of Kim Moo-sung and the Chosun Ilbo's 2017 Presidential Election Alliance
Was the investigation into Daewoo Shipbuilding, a battleground of revenge and bloodshed, intended to slaughter pro-Lee Myung-bak factions?
Park Geun-hye's Path, the Taegeukgi Unit's Path, the Chosun Ilbo's Path
Chapter 7: Masters of Manipulation
5,000 pages of investigative records prove Ha's order to investigate immediately after the 2016 general election defeat.
Prosecutors' report denies Ko Jae-ho's "Korean Shipbuilding Industry Sales Manager"
The head of Hyosung Group is covering up the dirt he has spread.
A country where the burden of proof is not on the prosecutor
Common sense of a reporter, common sense of a prosecutor, common sense of society
The highlight of the impression trial and the prejudice trial is the Supreme Court
Supreme Court Justice Kim Seon-su suppressed freedom of the press by citing vague "implicit requests."
Chapter 8: The Salem Witch Hunts
Campfire kindling decorated the eve of the impeachment drama
'Professional Distancing' and the Journalist's Karma
Witches who make a living by witch-hunting
Timeline of the incident
Thank you
Into the book
Park Soo-hwan was desperate on the witness stand.
He lost his health.
I lost my company.
All that's left are her, her husband's ailing bodies, and their two dogs.
It didn't seem like a careless grumble that said, "It's easier to die."
“The prosecutor kept saying, ‘Blow, hand her over,’ and that Song Hee-young should be arrested.”
And then my whole body trembled.
“The investigation began with Song Hee-young and ended with Song Hee-young… forty-two times… only Song Hee-young, only Song Hee-young…”
I shook my head several times.
The testimony was sporadic and disjointed.
“The whole process was torture.”
--- From "Investigative Prosecutor, "The Chosun Ilbo decided to abandon Song Hee-young tomorrow""
Even the president himself indulged in the theory of solidarity between conservative media and left-wing forces.
In an exclusive interview with the internet interactive media outlet Jeong Gyu-jae TV on January 25, 2017, Park Geun-hye said about the state affairs scandal, “There is a force that has been planning and managing it for a long time.”
The remarks came after Choi Soon-sil admitted to interfering in state affairs and issued an apology.
It was an interview that made the apology seem meaningless.
Choi Soon-sil was in custody at the time, and the impeachment trial was underway at the Constitutional Court.
Even while on trial, Park Geun-hye expressed her conviction that she had been "deceived by a planned force."
It gave the impression that he believed until the end the theory that 'corrupt conservative media and left-wing forces are allies' that was input into his head.
If the Constitutional Court had dismissed his impeachment and allowed him to complete his five-year term, I might have spent the remainder of my term in prison.
--- From "The conspiracy theory frame of 'the Chosun Ilbo and the left-wing forces' planned exposure"
Even if my close drinking buddy tempted me, I should have declined the invitation to go on an overseas inspection tour.
It was a deviation that did not fit with my usual beliefs.
If I had to make an excuse, as a writer writing economic columns, I had a strong desire to go to the scene of a crisis.
When a major incident occurs, it is a journalist's professional instinct to want to go to the scene.
During the 2008 financial crisis, I took a vacation and spent my own money to visit Wall Street to get a feel for the real world.
The excessive desire to feel the breath of the scene made the problem worse.
It was a mistake to accept my friend's offer without thinking.
--- From "The Unscrupulous Reporter Who Enjoyed a Luxury Trip on a Chartered Plane"
At that time, TV Chosun tracked down the suspicions surrounding the Mir Foundation, and the Chosun Ilbo exposed the suspicions surrounding Woo Byung-woo.
His anger level skyrocketed in an instant.
I was so excited that my poor judgment was seriously impaired.
I became obsessed with the conspiracy theory that the left-wing forces and the Chosun Ilbo joined hands to shake the president.
The Park Geun-hye administration gained less than two months of free time in return for pressuring the Chosun Ilbo and TV Chosun to silence follow-up reports.
Meanwhile, Choi Soon-sil fled to Germany, but the Hankyoreh and Kyunghyang Shinmun continued to publish exposés.
Even though they made a human sacrifice by placing the Honam editor-in-chief of a conservative newspaper on the altar, the government's term ended up being shortened.
--- From "Park Geun-hye's Path, the Taegeukgi Unit's Path, and the Chosun Ilbo's Path"
In Salem or in Korea, the life force of the perpetrator is stronger than that of the victim.
Park Geun-hye joined hands with President Yoon Seok-yeol, who had imprisoned her, after receiving a pardon, and the chief prosecutor in charge emerged as a rising star in conservative politics.
The lawmaker who spearheaded the false accusations became the face of local government.
Several of the main characters in the torture of the Bulleo Pong took up high-ranking positions in the prosecution.
They seem to be enjoying the party that power provides.
In Korea, the profession of witch hunter is a prestigious title.
He lost his health.
I lost my company.
All that's left are her, her husband's ailing bodies, and their two dogs.
It didn't seem like a careless grumble that said, "It's easier to die."
“The prosecutor kept saying, ‘Blow, hand her over,’ and that Song Hee-young should be arrested.”
And then my whole body trembled.
“The investigation began with Song Hee-young and ended with Song Hee-young… forty-two times… only Song Hee-young, only Song Hee-young…”
I shook my head several times.
The testimony was sporadic and disjointed.
“The whole process was torture.”
--- From "Investigative Prosecutor, "The Chosun Ilbo decided to abandon Song Hee-young tomorrow""
Even the president himself indulged in the theory of solidarity between conservative media and left-wing forces.
In an exclusive interview with the internet interactive media outlet Jeong Gyu-jae TV on January 25, 2017, Park Geun-hye said about the state affairs scandal, “There is a force that has been planning and managing it for a long time.”
The remarks came after Choi Soon-sil admitted to interfering in state affairs and issued an apology.
It was an interview that made the apology seem meaningless.
Choi Soon-sil was in custody at the time, and the impeachment trial was underway at the Constitutional Court.
Even while on trial, Park Geun-hye expressed her conviction that she had been "deceived by a planned force."
It gave the impression that he believed until the end the theory that 'corrupt conservative media and left-wing forces are allies' that was input into his head.
If the Constitutional Court had dismissed his impeachment and allowed him to complete his five-year term, I might have spent the remainder of my term in prison.
--- From "The conspiracy theory frame of 'the Chosun Ilbo and the left-wing forces' planned exposure"
Even if my close drinking buddy tempted me, I should have declined the invitation to go on an overseas inspection tour.
It was a deviation that did not fit with my usual beliefs.
If I had to make an excuse, as a writer writing economic columns, I had a strong desire to go to the scene of a crisis.
When a major incident occurs, it is a journalist's professional instinct to want to go to the scene.
During the 2008 financial crisis, I took a vacation and spent my own money to visit Wall Street to get a feel for the real world.
The excessive desire to feel the breath of the scene made the problem worse.
It was a mistake to accept my friend's offer without thinking.
--- From "The Unscrupulous Reporter Who Enjoyed a Luxury Trip on a Chartered Plane"
At that time, TV Chosun tracked down the suspicions surrounding the Mir Foundation, and the Chosun Ilbo exposed the suspicions surrounding Woo Byung-woo.
His anger level skyrocketed in an instant.
I was so excited that my poor judgment was seriously impaired.
I became obsessed with the conspiracy theory that the left-wing forces and the Chosun Ilbo joined hands to shake the president.
The Park Geun-hye administration gained less than two months of free time in return for pressuring the Chosun Ilbo and TV Chosun to silence follow-up reports.
Meanwhile, Choi Soon-sil fled to Germany, but the Hankyoreh and Kyunghyang Shinmun continued to publish exposés.
Even though they made a human sacrifice by placing the Honam editor-in-chief of a conservative newspaper on the altar, the government's term ended up being shortened.
--- From "Park Geun-hye's Path, the Taegeukgi Unit's Path, and the Chosun Ilbo's Path"
In Salem or in Korea, the life force of the perpetrator is stronger than that of the victim.
Park Geun-hye joined hands with President Yoon Seok-yeol, who had imprisoned her, after receiving a pardon, and the chief prosecutor in charge emerged as a rising star in conservative politics.
The lawmaker who spearheaded the false accusations became the face of local government.
Several of the main characters in the torture of the Bulleo Pong took up high-ranking positions in the prosecution.
They seem to be enjoying the party that power provides.
In Korea, the profession of witch hunter is a prestigious title.
--- From "Witches Who Live by Hunting Witches"
Publisher's Review
The inevitable clash between power and the media
Hysteria at the end of his reign, and a civil war at the forefront of press freedom.
The incident began when editor-in-chief Song Hee-young participated in a family tour of Italy and Greece with support from Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering (now Hanwha Ocean) in 2011.
At the time, overseas fam tours provided by companies or organizations were accepted as business practice in the media world, but the moment the authorities attacked journalists, they were branded with corruption charges such as “luxury chartered business trips.”
The author admits that his participation in the PAM tour was inappropriate for a public figure.
The company does not avoid responsibility for the fact that overseas business trips provided by the company were ultimately seen as a means of wooing reporters.
However, he says the ruling that it was a 'compensatory transaction through columns and articles' is a clear misjudgment and misjudgment.
This is because it is an insult that fundamentally damages my reputation as a writer.
This case was not simply a private trial, but a civil war between power and the press.
Far-right conservatives have attacked relatively moderate conservative media outlets, deepening the division within the conservative camp.
However, the Park Geun-hye administration that carried out this attack also collapsed due to candlelight protests and a counterattack by the media.
In the middle of it all, there is the narrative of editor-in-chief Song Hee-young.
In 2016, TV Chosun reported an article tracking Choi Soon-sil's interference in state affairs, and the Chosun Ilbo focused on exposing the suspicions surrounding land transactions by Woo Byung-woo, the senior presidential secretary for civil affairs, who was known as the "King's Senior Secretary."
This type of intensive reporting was seen as a provocation by the media aimed at shaking up the Park Geun-hye administration.
Rather than attacking the media as a whole, the authorities counterattacked by targeting specific individuals within the Chosun Ilbo.
The author, a former editorial writer from Honam, was branded as the first target of the Park Geun-hye administration, which displayed extreme right-wing tendencies.
This is because the Park Geun-hye administration requested cooperation from conservative media outlets ahead of the general election, but they refused.
At the time, the Park Geun-hye administration and the prosecution spread a conspiracy theory that it was a "planned exposure by the Chosun Ilbo and leftist forces," and isolated editor-in-chief Song Hee-young.
Competing media outlets, including the Dong-A Ilbo, fueled the fire with reports on “family company suspicions” and “luxury trips.”
Public opinion quickly deteriorated, and he was branded a "rogue journalist who enjoyed luxurious travel."
A political frame war also broke out within the media world.
The prosecution and Chief Ahn Jong-beom waged a war of public opinion using techniques such as 'spreading fake news.'
This was, in effect, a social burial plot orchestrated by the government, the prosecution, and some media outlets.
The Full Story: The Powers That Be and the Prosecutors' Slaughter of Critical Media
A record of a modern-day witch hunt perpetrated in the name of democracy.
The author subsequently took time for self-reflection, refusing any political activities or offers from other media outlets, and voluntarily giving up all media activities.
He even avoided holding press conferences or making explanations, and the reason was his belief that 'it is better to take the hit when you have to.'
I knew from experience that explanations only serve to fan the flames and increase criticism.
Prosecutors indicted the author for receiving overseas travel in exchange for writing columns or editorials favorable to Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering.
The investigation process was extremely brutal.
The 2018 trial resulted in a partial guilty verdict, but acquittal on the Pam Tour charge.
The appeal in 2020 resulted in a full acquittal.
It was a natural judgment, considering the various evidence.
However, the result was overturned when Justice Kim Seon-su was assigned to the 2024 Supreme Court ruling.
Kim Seon-su was a former member of Minbyun, had a distinct progressive leaning, and was known to have antipathy toward the Chosun Ilbo.
After delaying the case for four years, he remanded the case for retrial with a guilty verdict, applying the vague logic of "implied solicitation."
The Seoul High Court accepted this as is and sentenced the author to six months in prison and one year of probation in 2025.
The verdict was not changed even though former Daewoo Shipbuilding CEO Nam Sang-tae clearly testified that he “never made a request.”
This was more of a political retaliation than a legal judgment.
Through this process, the author strongly supports the need for prosecution reform and judicial reform.
The first draft of history left by a reporter
Reflections on the Nature of Power and the Value of Freedom of the Press
The author quotes Thomas Jefferson, saying that in a democratic society, power and the press are fundamentally in conflict.
Those in power seek to gather public support through policies and events, and the media persuades the public through articles, columns, videos, etc.
Since both want majority support, they are bound to end up in conflict.
However, modern Korean history has shown that this conflict does not end in simple tension, but rather, at times, the people become victims as the powers that be and the media collude or clash in extreme ways.
The author confesses that he has personally witnessed the two-faced nature of those in power in Korea since Park Chung-hee's reign in trying to coax or threaten the press.
And that dramatic scene was the 'media hunt' at the end of the Park Geun-hye administration.
Furthermore, this incident was the starting point of a regressive continuity in Korean political history that led to the illegal declaration of martial law by the Yoon Seok-yeol administration and its subsequent impeachment and arrest.
The final symptoms of power are always hysterical, leaving us with the lesson that reason and rationality have disappeared and anger and revenge have taken over.
In that sense, 『On the Battlefield of Power and the Press』 goes beyond the confession of one individual and can be said to be a report on a "modern-day Salem witch hunt," making us reflect on the nature of power and the value of freedom of the press.
Hysteria at the end of his reign, and a civil war at the forefront of press freedom.
The incident began when editor-in-chief Song Hee-young participated in a family tour of Italy and Greece with support from Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering (now Hanwha Ocean) in 2011.
At the time, overseas fam tours provided by companies or organizations were accepted as business practice in the media world, but the moment the authorities attacked journalists, they were branded with corruption charges such as “luxury chartered business trips.”
The author admits that his participation in the PAM tour was inappropriate for a public figure.
The company does not avoid responsibility for the fact that overseas business trips provided by the company were ultimately seen as a means of wooing reporters.
However, he says the ruling that it was a 'compensatory transaction through columns and articles' is a clear misjudgment and misjudgment.
This is because it is an insult that fundamentally damages my reputation as a writer.
This case was not simply a private trial, but a civil war between power and the press.
Far-right conservatives have attacked relatively moderate conservative media outlets, deepening the division within the conservative camp.
However, the Park Geun-hye administration that carried out this attack also collapsed due to candlelight protests and a counterattack by the media.
In the middle of it all, there is the narrative of editor-in-chief Song Hee-young.
In 2016, TV Chosun reported an article tracking Choi Soon-sil's interference in state affairs, and the Chosun Ilbo focused on exposing the suspicions surrounding land transactions by Woo Byung-woo, the senior presidential secretary for civil affairs, who was known as the "King's Senior Secretary."
This type of intensive reporting was seen as a provocation by the media aimed at shaking up the Park Geun-hye administration.
Rather than attacking the media as a whole, the authorities counterattacked by targeting specific individuals within the Chosun Ilbo.
The author, a former editorial writer from Honam, was branded as the first target of the Park Geun-hye administration, which displayed extreme right-wing tendencies.
This is because the Park Geun-hye administration requested cooperation from conservative media outlets ahead of the general election, but they refused.
At the time, the Park Geun-hye administration and the prosecution spread a conspiracy theory that it was a "planned exposure by the Chosun Ilbo and leftist forces," and isolated editor-in-chief Song Hee-young.
Competing media outlets, including the Dong-A Ilbo, fueled the fire with reports on “family company suspicions” and “luxury trips.”
Public opinion quickly deteriorated, and he was branded a "rogue journalist who enjoyed luxurious travel."
A political frame war also broke out within the media world.
The prosecution and Chief Ahn Jong-beom waged a war of public opinion using techniques such as 'spreading fake news.'
This was, in effect, a social burial plot orchestrated by the government, the prosecution, and some media outlets.
The Full Story: The Powers That Be and the Prosecutors' Slaughter of Critical Media
A record of a modern-day witch hunt perpetrated in the name of democracy.
The author subsequently took time for self-reflection, refusing any political activities or offers from other media outlets, and voluntarily giving up all media activities.
He even avoided holding press conferences or making explanations, and the reason was his belief that 'it is better to take the hit when you have to.'
I knew from experience that explanations only serve to fan the flames and increase criticism.
Prosecutors indicted the author for receiving overseas travel in exchange for writing columns or editorials favorable to Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering.
The investigation process was extremely brutal.
The 2018 trial resulted in a partial guilty verdict, but acquittal on the Pam Tour charge.
The appeal in 2020 resulted in a full acquittal.
It was a natural judgment, considering the various evidence.
However, the result was overturned when Justice Kim Seon-su was assigned to the 2024 Supreme Court ruling.
Kim Seon-su was a former member of Minbyun, had a distinct progressive leaning, and was known to have antipathy toward the Chosun Ilbo.
After delaying the case for four years, he remanded the case for retrial with a guilty verdict, applying the vague logic of "implied solicitation."
The Seoul High Court accepted this as is and sentenced the author to six months in prison and one year of probation in 2025.
The verdict was not changed even though former Daewoo Shipbuilding CEO Nam Sang-tae clearly testified that he “never made a request.”
This was more of a political retaliation than a legal judgment.
Through this process, the author strongly supports the need for prosecution reform and judicial reform.
The first draft of history left by a reporter
Reflections on the Nature of Power and the Value of Freedom of the Press
The author quotes Thomas Jefferson, saying that in a democratic society, power and the press are fundamentally in conflict.
Those in power seek to gather public support through policies and events, and the media persuades the public through articles, columns, videos, etc.
Since both want majority support, they are bound to end up in conflict.
However, modern Korean history has shown that this conflict does not end in simple tension, but rather, at times, the people become victims as the powers that be and the media collude or clash in extreme ways.
The author confesses that he has personally witnessed the two-faced nature of those in power in Korea since Park Chung-hee's reign in trying to coax or threaten the press.
And that dramatic scene was the 'media hunt' at the end of the Park Geun-hye administration.
Furthermore, this incident was the starting point of a regressive continuity in Korean political history that led to the illegal declaration of martial law by the Yoon Seok-yeol administration and its subsequent impeachment and arrest.
The final symptoms of power are always hysterical, leaving us with the lesson that reason and rationality have disappeared and anger and revenge have taken over.
In that sense, 『On the Battlefield of Power and the Press』 goes beyond the confession of one individual and can be said to be a report on a "modern-day Salem witch hunt," making us reflect on the nature of power and the value of freedom of the press.
GOODS SPECIFICS
- Date of issue: September 29, 2025
- Page count, weight, size: 312 pages | 152*225*30mm
- ISBN13: 9791171175109
- ISBN10: 1171175108
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