When publishing a book

Part 1: China, where you can talk carelessly

1.
Has Santa really disappeared?
2.
Santa Claus came to China too
3.
Where were all those correspondents?
4.
China, where you can speak carelessly

Part 2: The Shaking 'Postwar System'

1.
Establishment of the San Francisco System
2.
Blockaded China, Excluded Korean Peninsula
3.
The emergence of the Kissinger system
4.
The Kissinger System's Crisis

Part 3: The Crisis of Korean Conservatism and China

1.
The Crisis of Korean Conservatism
2.
The clash between the US in security and China in economy
3.
The Northeast Project Incident: Back to Security
4.
THAAD: South Korean Conservatism's New Cold War Project
5.
Wuhan Pneumonia: A Quasi-Racist Project of Korean Conservatism

Part 4: The Birth of Jjangkeism

1.
The revival of Jjang-gae
2.
Jjang-gae and Jjang-gae-ism
3.
The Historicity of Chinese Communism: Heteronormative Modernity and an Incomplete View of China

Part 5: The Frame of Jang-Kae-Im: Pseudo-Racism

1.
uncivilized China
2.
Bad China
3.
China is the problem
4.
One and only China

Part 6: The Frame of the Jangkeism I: I Defending the Neocolonial System

1.
There is no way China can succeed.
2.
China seeks hegemony
3.
China will once again dominate the Korean Peninsula.
4.
We Must Stand with America: The Lost Dream of Decolonization

Part 7: The Frame of the Jangkeism III: The Problem of Capital as China's Problem

1.
fine dust from China
2.
China is taking over Jeju Island
3.
Chinese landlord
4.
Ssangyong Motors' technology leak

Part 8: The Frame of the Jang-Kae-Issue IV: Building a New Cold War System

1.
Military excavation
2.
freedom of navigation
3.
Intelligence Agency Confucius Institute
4.
pro-China regime

Part 9: Distribution Channels of Chinese Discourse

1.
The textbook of Chinese reporting: The South China Morning Post
2.
The Frame's Base: Western Media
3.
A Sample Room of Chinese Tradition: The Huanqiu Shibao
4.
The Lost Progressive China Frame
5.
Absence of channels for progressive discourse distribution

Part 10: The Korean Media's Critical Reporting Techniques

:For three months from June to August 2020
Analysis of Chinese Reports in Korean Media
1.
Promotes anger and hatred rather than reporting facts
2.
Using emotional and negative words that contain preconceived notions
3.
Even the actions of a few Chinese people are reported as a problem affecting all of China.
4.
Reporting on China's good and bad points
5.
Global problems and natural phenomena are also China's fault.
6.
America's actions are a matter of national strategy,
China's actions are a moral issue
7.
If that's the case in the US, then so be it
8.
China's position is non-existent or for show
9.
Raise the issue and don't care about the outcome
10.
Almost all media outlets repeat a report from one media outlet.

Part 11: Even within the progressive camp, racist rhetoric is prevalent.

1.
The daily life of Jjangkeism
2.
Even progressives speak carelessly about China
3.
The missing front, the absent camp

Part 12: Korea's Progressive Camp's Discourse on China

1.
The disappearance of practical Chinese discourse
2.
The frame that China is also a problem
3.
The appropriation of liberal universal values
4.
Socialist China Frame
5.
The Disappeared Discourse on the Peace System

Part 13: The Crisis of the San Francisco System

1.
The Fall of American Hegemony
2.
China's containment policy and American hegemony
3.
Conflicts among domestic interest groups in the United States
4.
Conflict of mutual interests between allies
5.
The differentiation between security conservatism and economic conservatism

The opportunity has arrived to usher in an era of multilateralism.

1.
Blockade of China is impossible
2.
China's growth
3.
Asia's growth
4.
The growth of opposing forces
5.
Chained international division of labor system
6.
Military power with mutual checks and balances
7.
Diversification of cultural leadership

Part 15: Peace Regime and China

1.
Viewing China from a Peace System Perspective
2.
China as a deterrent to war
3.
The central axis of multilateralism
4.
The radical nature of the single market
5.
capital-restrictive party-state system
6.
Experience of an inward-looking country
7.
common life world
8.
Beyond Jjang-Kae-Im: Dreaming of a Different World

supplement
References
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Korean society's perception of China: China-ism

It is easy to think of the term 'Jjang-gae' as simply a derogatory term for China and Chinese people.
However, this term has historicity.
Before the Sino-Japanese War in 1894, Chinese people living in Korea were not objects of hatred.
However, as China lost the Sino-Japanese War and Japan began to take over Korea, perceptions of the Chinese changed.
The Japanese portrayed the Chinese as an inferior and uncivilized people, and Koreans, too, were incorporated into Japan's colonial discourse and began to look down on the Chinese.
After liberation, the US military government, the outbreak of the Korean War, China's participation in the war, and the spread of anti-communism amplified hatred and hostility toward China.
Although Sinophobia eased after South Korea and China established diplomatic relations in 1992, as China rises and the US-China conflict intensifies, anti-Chinese sentiment is spreading in Korean society.

In this book, the author explains the process of forming Jang-Kae-Im and analyzes how the Jang-Kae-Im frame operates throughout society.
The frames of Chinese communism include the pseudo-racism that has been passed down since the colonial Joseon Dynasty, the neo-colonial system that advocates a vertical alliance system centered on the United States, the frame that attributes the problem of capital to China's problem, and the new Cold War system that recognizes China again through the anti-communist frame.
Within this framework, the author examines what kind of China everyone talks about and what kind of China no one talks about.

The concept of "Jjang-gae" embodies the hatred inherent in Western racism. As Caroline Emke argues in "Hate Society," the hated entity in a hate society is always ambiguous.
I can't tell if Jjang-gae refers to China or Chinese people.
I don't know if all Chinese people are bad, or if bad people are Chinese.
(…) One thing is clear.
It is certain that the word "Jjang-Kae," a vague collective term created by someone, is becoming the recipient of hatred.
_From page 89

The Kissinger System's Crisis: A Return to the Cold War

Since the San Francisco system, Korea, China, the US, and Japan have maintained order among their countries through the Kissinger system.
If the San Francisco system was a system in which the United States formed an alliance with Japan and South Korea and excluded China from the international community, the Kissinger system was a system in which the United States incorporated China into the international economic system for economic reasons.
Under the Kissinger system, China and the United States experienced economic revival, and East Asia maintained a period of peace, albeit an incomplete one.
But the United States felt threatened by China's economic growth.
Ultimately, the United States abandoned the Kissinger system and adopted a strategy of containment of China in order to return to the San Francisco system.
The author argues that the US-China conflict is not caused by China being the problem, but rather by the US's strategy of containing China.
The book offers a new interpretation of the US-China conflict from a post-Eurocentric and post-colonial perspective, moving beyond a Eurocentric and US-centric perspective.

America's new Cold War strategy was not a sudden decision made by the Trump administration.
Since the 1990s, when China's economy was on the rise, the US government and opposition parties have been promoting the "China threat theory."
This phenomenon indirectly shows that from this period onwards, the United States felt that China's growth was a significant threat.
Page 57

The normalization and structuration of Jjangkeism

The spread of Jang-Kae-Im also has to do with the sense of crisis within Korean conservatism.
Externally, the US-centric post-war system was shaken, and internally, anti-communism and pro-Americanism were weakening, so conservatives put forward pro-China sentiment to protect their system.
As China-ism becomes the norm, everyone now says, “China is the problem.”
This framing leads us to conclude that China is bad, rather than judging China-related issues based on facts.
The author analyzes the frame of Chinese ideology that operated in the conservative camp while covering major issues such as 'fine dust from China,' 'Wuhan virus,' 'military expansion,' and 'Chinese hegemony.'
We further examine in depth how these frames have led to the perception of China as an enemy.

It is a clear fact that China produces a lot of fine dust.
But that doesn't mean it's 'uncivilized China' or 'bad China'.
The biggest reason is the international division of labor system.
The garbage crisis in Seoul's Gangnam District in 2018, which occurred when China banned the import of waste plastic, was a symbolic event that clearly demonstrated the international division of labor system.
China, incorporated into the international division of labor system through the Kissinger system, has been called the world's factory and has served as a key manufacturing base.
Page 255

The disappearance of critical discourse on Jang-Kae-Im

Korean progressivism is not immune to Sinophobia.
In the progressive camp, liberalism has been monopolized as a universal value since democratization.
This frame holds that democracy is completed only when representative democracy, a market economy, and a free civil society are established.
But this is Western-centric thinking.
The Western model of democracy has been applied to China, resulting in interpretations and criticisms of China today.
The author suggests that before telling us where China should go, we should ask ourselves what China is.
The idea is to shift the geopolitics of knowledge from China to Korea.
This book examines the reasons for the disappearance of practical China discourse within the Korean progressive camp and suggests the direction in which the progressive camp should pursue its discourse on China.

Analysis of the distribution channels of Chinese discourse

The book also focuses on the channels through which Jjangkeism is distributed.
When I read Chinese articles on portal sites, it seems like China deserves to be criticized.
But if you look at the Chinese media outlets that Korean media mainly cites, it becomes understandable why there are so many articles geared towards Sinophobia.
The author analyzes how the Hong Kong newspaper South China Morning Post, the English-language version of the Chinese newspaper Global Times, and other news agencies, which are cited by the Korean media when reporting on Chinese news, report on China.
Let's find out what impact these articles had on people and what frame they used to view China.


From a unipolar system to a multilateral era

So, can the United States destroy the Kissinger system and return to the San Francisco system?
However, the international community is being reorganized by the rise of China, the decline of American hegemony, conflicts of interest within the United States, the growth of Asia, the emergence of countervailing powers, and the international division of labor system.
The author develops his argument for moving toward an era of multilateralism through various documents, articles, and expert opinions.
This does not mean that the American era is over and the Chinese era is coming, nor does it mean that we have to choose between the two.
A new era is dawning that neither the United States nor China can dominate.
The author argues that amidst these changes, Korea is fully qualified to usher in an era of multilateralism.

Moving beyond ideology and toward a peace regime

Now, Korea must choose which countries to cooperate with and what common goals to set.
Korea remains the world's only divided country.
China's role is necessary to resolve North Korea's missile and nuclear issues.
China acts as a war-deterring nation in Northeast Asia.
It has also existed as a 'neighbor' with a long history of cultural affinity with Korea.
If Korea and China write a common history rather than a history of division, they can advance the establishment of a peace regime in Northeast Asia.
The author emphasizes that pacifists must break away from the framework of Jang-Kae-Ju and create a new framework.
Looking at China and the Chinese people from the perspective of a peace system, he says we must dream of a world different from the one we have today.

Just because the era of multilateralism has arrived does not mean that it will soon become our era.
In such an era, there are always countries that are ahead and countries that are behind.
History is created by the combination of the political and economic structures that are in place here and now and the efforts of people to change them.
Now, all that remains is the efforts of the people who live in this space.
_Page 650