{"product_id":"164654","title":"Henry Kissinger's diplomacy ","description":"\u003ccenter\u003e\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:center\"\u003e\u003cimg src=\"https:\/\/tmgdisk01.cafe24.com\/images\/vs\/4172\/sv\/3jYFtwm0nQIwORwOxGlw1YE18Qmkhn.png?v=1764974922\" style=\"max-width:100%;max-height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\u003ccenter\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:center;font-size:30px;font-weight:bolder;line-height:1.6em\"\u003e Henry Kissinger's diplomacy \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"border-bottom:1px;border-bottom-style:dotted;border-color:;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable align=\"center\" width=\"100%\"\u003e\u003ctbody style=\"border:0px\"\u003e\n\n\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd align=\"center\" style=\"line-height:1.2em;text-align:center;font-size:18px;color:black;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px;\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\n\n\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"text-align:center\"\u003e\u003cimg src=\"https:\/\/image.yes24.com\/goods\/122141685\/XL\" style=\"max-width:100%;height:auto\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/tbody\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%;{split_style6}padding-top:20px;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\n\n \u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:16px;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003eDescription \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;word-break:break-all;font-size:14px;line-height:1.6em;\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eBook Introduction\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e \u003cb\u003eA landmark book on diplomacy has been published in Korea.\u003cbr\u003e Henry Kissinger's masterpiece, which provides insight into the era of renewed great power competition.\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The world is now at a historical turning point.\u003cbr\u003e Today, the United States and China are increasingly embroiled in strategic competition.\u003cbr\u003e The United States is once again expanding NATO and uniting democratic nations, such as through the Quad and the US-ROK-Japan security cooperation system, to counter the expansion of large authoritarian states like China and Russia, as it did during the Cold War.\u003cbr\u003e In response, China is employing a strategy of dividing and counter-encircling the US camp by expanding the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS.\u003cbr\u003e Henry Kissinger says a major war between the United States and China is imminent.\u003cbr\u003e In a May 2023 interview with The Economist, Kissinger said, “The current international situation is similar to the one just before the outbreak of World War I. \u003cbr\u003e“If we fail to establish principles of international order that both the United States and China can agree on, World War III could break out within five to ten years,” he warns.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e As Kissinger said, will the world follow the path of late 19th-century Europe, which was divided into two camps—the Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance—and unwittingly dragged into a great war? Or will it follow the path of a new Cold War, divided into two camps with different systems and ideologies, engaging in a prolonged competition between systems without a major confrontation?\u003cbr\u003e Or will we be headed down a completely new path we never imagined?\u003cbr\u003e At a time when profound insight is needed into which path is most likely, whether a catastrophe like a great war will actually occur, and what measures can be taken to prevent such a catastrophe, the monumental book 『Diplomacy』 by Henry Kissinger, a master of modern diplomacy, has been published in Korea.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThe current world order is an American order, an order dominated by American values.\u003cbr\u003e What is the nature of that order, where did it originate, and how long will it last? Kissinger asks in his book:\u003cbr\u003e “As if by some natural law, in every century there seems to arise a nation with the power, the will, the intellectual and moral drive to shape the entire international system according to its own values.” In the 17th century, the reason of the state of the French chancellor Richelieu was the dominant value, in the 18th century, the British-led concept of the balance of power, and in the 19th century, the cooperative spirit of the Austrian chancellor Metternich was the dominant value of the era.\u003cbr\u003e What broke Metternich's cooperative system was the cold-blooded power politics of Germany's Iron Chancellor Bismarck, and the tragic result of that power politics was World War I. \u003cbr\u003eThe United States, which decided the war, rejected the old European order based on the balance of power and power politics and proposed a new world order based on democracy, international law, and collective security. Since then, Wilsonianism has become the foundation of American diplomacy and the foundation of world order.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Henry Kissinger, a representative of realism in American diplomacy, analyzes the foreign policies of the great powers that brought about major changes in the international system, from the Westphalian system after the Thirty Years' War, the Vienna system after the Napoleonic Wars, the Bismarck system after German unification, the Versailles system after World War I, the Cold War system after World War II, and the post-Cold War order. He shows the deepest insight into the origins and essence of American diplomacy, which has led the international system for the past century. \u003cbr\u003eWhether the current international situation will descend into disorder and war, as Kissinger suggested, or into a new Cold War depends largely on America's choices and leadership.\u003cbr\u003e And the choices that South Korea makes in diplomacy also depend on the judgment and prediction of America's choices.\u003cbr\u003e \"Henry Kissinger's Diplomacy\" will be one of the most relevant and urgent books for understanding the returning era of great power competition and predicting its future.\u003cbr\u003e\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003cul\u003e\u003cli\u003e You can preview some of the book's contents.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cspan\u003ePreview\u003c\/span\u003e\n\n\u003c\/li\u003e\u003c\/ul\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003eindex\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e 01 New World Order\u003cbr\u003e 02 Hinge: Theodore Roosevelt or Woodrow Wilson\u003cbr\u003e 03 From Universality to Equilibrium: Richelieu, William of Orange, and Pitt\u003cbr\u003e 04 European Cooperation System: UK, Austria, Russia\u003cbr\u003e 05 Two Revolutionaries: Bismarck and Napoleon III\u003cbr\u003e 06 The Real Politics of Self-Sufficiency\u003cbr\u003e 07 Political Destruction of Humanity: European Diplomacy Before World War I  \u003cbr\u003e08 Into the Vortex: A Military Destruction Device\u003cbr\u003e 09 The New Face of Diplomacy: Wilson and the Treaty of Versailles\u003cbr\u003e 10 Winners' Dilemma\u003cbr\u003e 11 The Reappearance of Stresemann and the Losers\u003cbr\u003e 12 The End of Illusion: Hitler and the Destruction of the Versailles System\u003cbr\u003e 13 Stalin's Bazaar\u003cbr\u003e 14 Nazi-Soviet Pact\u003cbr\u003e 15. Reappearance on the American Stage: Franklin Roosevelt\u003cbr\u003e 16 Three Approaches to Peace: Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill in World War II\u003cbr\u003e 17 The Beginning of the Cold War\u003cbr\u003e 18 The Success and Pain of the Lockdown Policy\u003cbr\u003e 19 The Dilemma of Containment Policy: The Korean War\u003cbr\u003e 20 Negotiations with the Communists: Adenauer, Churchill, and Eisenhower\u003cbr\u003e 21. Jumping the Blockade: The Suez Canal Crisis\u003cbr\u003e 22 Hungary: Upheaval within the Empire\u003cbr\u003e 23 Khrushchev's Ultimatum: The Berlin Crisis of 1958-1963\u003cbr\u003e 24 The Concept of Western Unity: Macmillan, De Gaulle, Eisenhower, Kennedy\u003cbr\u003e 25 Vietnam: Into the swamp.\u003cbr\u003e Truman and Eisenhower\u003cbr\u003e 26 Vietnam: On the Road to Despair.\u003cbr\u003e Kennedy and Johnson\u003cbr\u003e 27 Vietnam: Escape.\u003cbr\u003e Nixon  \u003cbr\u003e28 Foreign Policy as Geopolitics: Nixon's Triangular Diplomacy\u003cbr\u003e 29 Détente and its discontents\u003cbr\u003e 30 The End of the Cold War: Reagan and Gorbachev\u003cbr\u003e 31 A Look Back at the New World Order\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Acknowledgements\u003cbr\u003e List of photos and sources\u003cbr\u003e NOTES\u003cbr\u003e Search\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cbr\u003e\u003cdiv\u003e\u003ch5\u003e \u003cb\u003ePublisher's Review\u003c\/b\u003e\n\u003c\/h5\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e \u003cb\u003eA classic of international diplomacy for predicting the future of the international system\u003cbr\u003e Is today's world Europe on the eve of World War I, or a new Cold War era?\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger argues that the history of the rise and fall of multi-state world orders is the only experience we can rely on to understand the challenges facing modern politicians, and that history illuminates similarly predictable outcomes in comparable situations through analogy.\u003cbr\u003e Churchill also said that if you want to know the future of international politics, you have to go back to the past.\u003cbr\u003e Because human nature does not change, and under an anarchic international system, the behavior of nations is bound to repeat itself. \u003cbr\u003eDoes the great power competition that has resumed in the 21st century resemble the behavior of great powers at any point in the past, and what are the similarities and differences?\u003cbr\u003e Is the future that awaits us a great catastrophe or another cold war?\u003cbr\u003e \"Henry Kissinger's Diplomacy\" is full of surprising intellectual elements that provide insight into history and allow for inferences about the present and future.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The history of Europe in the late 19th century is divided into two periods: before and after the fall of Ottoman Chancellor Bismarck of unified Germany in 1890.\u003cbr\u003e With German Emperor Wilhelm II taking the helm in place of Bismarck, the situation in Europe became increasingly irreversible.\u003cbr\u003e Everything Bismarck had painstakingly built collapsed.\u003cbr\u003e France joined hands with Russia, and Britain abandoned its role as a balancer and joined in.\u003cbr\u003e Germany was forced to cling to a precarious alliance with the Austrian Empire. \u003cbr\u003eNo one could have predicted the catastrophe that would follow, or that it would lead to an even greater catastrophe 20 years later.\u003cbr\u003e However, it is difficult to say whether Bismarck could have prevented the catastrophe even if he had remained in power.\u003cbr\u003e The cover of this book depicts a scene from the Berlin Conference of 1878.\u003cbr\u003e The great powers met to revise the Treaty of San Stefano, the result of the Russo-Turkish War (1877).\u003cbr\u003e It symbolized the pinnacle of the Bismarckian system, but also marked the beginning of its collapse.\u003cbr\u003e Russia harbored a grudge against Germany, and Austria's annexation of Bosnia sowed the seeds of a major conflict.\u003cbr\u003e However, to reach a great war, Germany had to make a series of serious mistakes.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, the confrontational structure between the East and West became clear, and the United States' policy of containment began in earnest. \u003cbr\u003eThere were several crises over Berlin, located within East Germany, and there was also the Cuban Missile Crisis.\u003cbr\u003e Local wars broke out in Vietnam and elsewhere, but they did not escalate into direct conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union.\u003cbr\u003e The Cold War came to an end in 1991 when the Soviet Union collapsed on its own.\u003cbr\u003e It's not that there was no possibility of a great war.\u003cbr\u003e There was a fear that Soviet troops would push across the East German border at any time, and even the Korean War was seen as part of such an attempt.\u003cbr\u003e The nuclear arms race was never ending.\u003cbr\u003e But what was different about Europe in the late 19th century was that both the United States and the Soviet Union feared direct conflict with each other, and a stable balance of power existed between the two blocs.\u003cbr\u003e Perhaps the memory and fear of the Great War were the most important factors in preventing a new one.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e On August 19, 2023, the leaders of South Korea, the United States, and Japan agreed on the historic spirit and principles of Camp David. \u003cbr\u003eIn effect, South Korea, the United States, and Japan have agreed to engage in comprehensive security cooperation against China, a potential enemy.\u003cbr\u003e This situation is reminiscent, on the one hand, of the process in which France, with which it had been reluctant to form a peacetime alliance, established a less binding alliance in the form of an entente in the run-up to World War I.\u003cbr\u003e On the other hand, it reminds us of the process in which West Germany, which had been in a confrontation with the Soviet bloc across the border, joined NATO and became aligned with the West, ultimately completing the confrontation between the two blocs.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger's analysis of the containment policy of the postwar Cold War era is full of incisiveness.\u003cbr\u003e What is the difference between a blockade of the Soviet Union and a blockade of China, and what should be different?\u003cbr\u003e Is a blockade of China appropriate and feasible? \u003cbr\u003eTo understand and predict the current international situation, it is necessary to look back and infer from the actions of past great powers.\u003cbr\u003e Perhaps this is the most important reason to read this book.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cb\u003eA profound insight into the origins and essence of American diplomacy.\u003cbr\u003e Will America Remain a Wilsonian Nation in the 21st Century?\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e When the United States entered World War I, it put forward the universal value of “making a world where democracy is safe” as its justification for war, and as a result, it became a Wilsonian country.\u003cbr\u003e Until then, isolationism had dominated the United States.\u003cbr\u003e In keeping with George Washington's maxim, America's foreign policy was to maintain a level-headed attitude regardless of whether European nations were fighting or not.\u003cbr\u003e But Woodrow Wilson had to appeal to Americans' belief in America's exceptionalism to get the isolationist nation into World War I. \u003cbr\u003eIt would be impossible to ask the people of the safest country to go to distant battlefields and fight and die without appealing to the moral convictions of the American people.\u003cbr\u003e Wilson said, “It is a fearful thing to drag this great and peaceful people into a most terrible and miserable war.\u003cbr\u003e But we will fight for the universal rule of rights by the cooperation of free peoples, which will bring peace and security to all nations and finally make the world free.”\u003cbr\u003e In this way, Americans embraced the two world wars, the Korean War, and the Cold War as crusades for democracy and as struggles between good and evil, which provided enormous impetus and commitment to American action.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Since Wilson, most American presidents have been unable to articulate their foreign policy objectives without employing Wilsonian rhetoric. \u003cbr\u003eAlthough Truman had strong geopolitical arguments for entering the Korean War, he explained the war as a defense of universal principles rather than American national interests.\u003cbr\u003e “If the dominance of force in international affairs were to resume, the repercussions would be far-reaching.\u003cbr\u003e America will continue to uphold the rule of law.” Even Nixon, who pursued realpolitik, considered himself a believer in Wilson’s internationalism and hung a portrait of Wilson in the White House Cabinet Office.\u003cbr\u003e The Camp David Accords, signed by the United States, South Korea, and Japan in August 2023, also begin with the following sentence: “We will strengthen cooperation to promote democracy and protect human rights.”\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e There were great achievements of Wilsonianism. \u003cbr\u003eThe ill-fated League of Nations was reborn as the United Nations, the Marshall Plan was implemented to rebuild Europe, large-scale UN forces were dispatched to the Korean War, and the communist forces were successfully contained during the Cold War.\u003cbr\u003e But Wilsonianism also faced great trials.\u003cbr\u003e The Vietnam War weakened Americans' confidence in Wilsonianism and deeply divided American society.\u003cbr\u003e America's attempts to democratize Middle Eastern countries came at a high cost in terms of human lives and regional instability, and ended with America's withdrawal from Afghanistan.\u003cbr\u003e Today, within the United States, opposition to American international intervention is resurgent.\u003cbr\u003e Trump's America First policies are reminiscent of the America First Committee, which opposed the United States' entry into World War II.\u003cbr\u003e Trump says the US must get out of the Russia-Ukraine war. \u003cbr\u003eChina rejects the universality of Wilsonianism and asserts Chinese values ​​for world order.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Can Wilsonianism continue to serve as a guide for American diplomacy as America's power and values ​​are challenged from both within and without?\u003cbr\u003e What should Wilsonian American diplomacy be like in an era when America's unilateral power superiority has disappeared?\u003cbr\u003e In a July 2022 interview with the British weekly magazine The Spectator, when asked “How do you think history will judge you?” Kissinger said he was “a proponent of the belief that America, despite its many failures, has been a force for good in the world and is essential to global stability.”\u003cbr\u003e \"The Diplomacy of Henry Kissinger\" contains Kissinger's struggles over the source of the \"force for good\" that symbolizes the United States, and how to ensure that idealistic American diplomacy does not fail and maintain an international system dominated by the United States. \u003cbr\u003eKissinger argues that Wilsonianism, based on universal values, must be combined with realpolitik based on national interests and the balance of power.\u003cbr\u003e In fact, American diplomacy has been in trouble when Wilsonian and realpolitik motivations have diverged, and has never failed when the two have aligned.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cb\u003eKissinger's Views on the 21st Century International System\u003cbr\u003e Wilsonianism, Realpolitik, and the Choice of American Diplomacy\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger believes that for the international order to exist stably, there must be a state of equilibrium based on the balance of power and be supported by common values.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger viewed the Vienna System led by Metternich after the Napoleonic Wars as the ideal great power international order.\u003cbr\u003e The empty system was based on a balanced state of affairs based on the Quadruple Alliance of the victorious powers and on the common value of legitimacy.\u003cbr\u003e France, a defeated nation, was also invited to the conference as an equal. \u003cbr\u003eThere were no major wars in Europe for over 100 years after the Vienna Agreement of 1814.\u003cbr\u003e On the other hand, the Versailles system that came into being after World War I was unstable in itself.\u003cbr\u003e There was no power or common agreement that could restrain defeated Germany.\u003cbr\u003e It was only a matter of time before the Versailles system collapsed.\u003cbr\u003e Germany's power and ambitions had grown so strong that the status quo could no longer be maintained.\u003cbr\u003e After World War II, defeated Germany was divided and Japan was occupied, but the victorious nations were divided into the United States and the Soviet Union.\u003cbr\u003e A kind of equilibrium existed, and neither side was trying to fundamentally change the status quo.\u003cbr\u003e The Cold War was over, the defeated Soviet Union had disintegrated, and Russia was powerless to change the status quo.\u003cbr\u003e Meanwhile, China has risen, and today's China, like Germany before World War I, has both the motivation and the ability to change the status quo. \u003cbr\u003eThe arms race between China and its neighbors is increasing instability, and there is a conflict between the values ​​of democracy and dictatorship.\u003cbr\u003e The Taiwan and South China Sea issues are seen as vital interests by both the United States and China, much like the Balkan Peninsula issue that triggered World War I, making it difficult to find common ground.\u003cbr\u003e This is why Kissinger saw the current international situation as similar to that of Europe just before World War I.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e For Kissinger, who studied the Thirty Years' War in Europe, the Napoleonic Wars, and the two World Wars in depth, how to prevent a major war has always been his primary concern.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger's attempts to improve relations with China in the early 1970s and to leverage this to achieve détente with the Soviet Union also had the clear goal of avoiding the risk of nuclear war. \u003cbr\u003eIn an interview with the press, Kissinger said, “It is a dangerous idea to think that China will change or be weakened through pressure.\u003cbr\u003e …China wants to be the dominant power in Asia, not the world, and if the United States and China can both agree on a world order and find a balance, war can be avoided.”\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger's thinking is linked to the time in the early 1970s when he was pushing for détente with the Soviet Union on the brink of nuclear war.\u003cbr\u003e The goal is to find a way for peaceful coexistence between the two hostile camps.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger believes that the realistic way to avoid a major conflict is for the United States to recognize China's appropriate sphere of influence rather than trying to convert it to democracy.\u003cbr\u003e This is in fact similar to the new type of great power relations theory advocated by China. \u003cbr\u003eHowever, in Kissinger's case, it may be a means to prevent a major war, while in China's case, it may be a disguised strategy to undermine American hegemony.\u003cbr\u003e China argues that we must return to the pre-Wilson era, and Kissinger says that we will inevitably have to return to a pre-Wilson era to some extent.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger believes that the United States is just one of many great powers and can no longer impose an order based on universal values.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e What choices will American diplomacy make?\u003cbr\u003e Is it possible that the United States will abandon the Wilsonian ideal of a “world safe for democracy”?\u003cbr\u003e For Americans to abandon the Wilsonian goals of a world order based on democracy, national self-determination, international law, and collective security would be to abandon their own exceptionalism and identity. \u003cbr\u003eThe United States' participation in two world wars and the Korean War was not for any specific interests, but to protect the value of democracy.\u003cbr\u003e As a realist, Kissinger argues that Wilsonianism is essential for America to navigate an imperfect world.\u003cbr\u003e It suggests that the goals of Wilsonianism can be achieved in a realistic rather than a Wilsonian way.\u003cbr\u003e In fact, American presidents tend to talk like Wilsonians and act like realists.\u003cbr\u003e They instinctively recognize the balance of power above moral values.\u003cbr\u003e Franklin Roosevelt joined hands with the communist Soviet Union to destroy Hitler, and Nixon joined hands with communist China to weaken the Soviet Union.\u003cbr\u003e Reagan did not shy away from dialogue with the Soviet Union, even though he called it an evil empire. \u003cbr\u003eJoe Biden is pursuing a strategy of containing China by establishing multilateral alliances, such as the Quad, a security cooperation body among South Korea, the United States, and Japan.\u003cbr\u003e When the calculation of power is uncertain and fluid, nations are tempted to test their power.\u003cbr\u003e A strategy of maintaining power superiority through a multilateral alliance system is more likely to curb China's adventurous behavior than to incite conflict in the region.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Biden has publicly stated that he would deploy US troops if China invades Taiwan.\u003cbr\u003e This is a natural attitude, considering that the United States is a Wilsonian country.\u003cbr\u003e If West Berlin had been occupied by the Soviet Union during the Cold War, there would have been war.\u003cbr\u003e Wilsonianism fears the collapse of norms and values ​​that would result from allowing the status quo to be changed by force as much as it does from geopolitical threats.\u003cbr\u003e This is also why the United States cannot hastily compromise with Russia on the Ukrainian front. \u003cbr\u003eUltimately, it was Reagan's pressure strategy, not Kissinger's détente strategy, that ended the Cold War.\u003cbr\u003e If America's international leadership as a Wilsonian nation is maintained, the current international system will resemble the Cold War era more than late 19th-century Europe.\u003cbr\u003e But if the new US administration distances itself from Wilsonianism, China, like Hitler's Germany, will subtly test its power and engage in military adventures.\u003cbr\u003e That is why Kissinger's warning about the coming great war remains valid.\u003cbr\u003e Henry Kissinger's Diplomacy is one of the most in-depth analyses of the Cold War and the policy of containment.\u003cbr\u003e This will allow us to infer whether a containment policy can work in the new Cold War context and what the dilemma is.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cb\u003eImplications for Korea from Henry Kissinger's Diplomacy\u003cbr\u003e US-China competition and the Camp David agreement between South Korea, the US, and Japan\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eKorea is now at a historical turning point.\u003cbr\u003e The power of the United States to maintain the status quo and the power of China to change the status quo are clashing.\u003cbr\u003e The fate of Korea will depend on the nature and outcome of the clash between the two powers.\u003cbr\u003e One side could collapse, another long-term Cold War could unfold, or, as Kissinger feared, a major war could break out.\u003cbr\u003e As a powerful player in East Asia, the landscape of East Asia is increasingly likely to be determined by Korea's choices and strategies.\u003cbr\u003e On August 19, 2023, South Korea made a historic and significant choice.\u003cbr\u003e Through the Camp David Agreement, the three countries agreed to establish a multilateral security cooperation body based on the value of democracy.\u003cbr\u003e It could be seen that Wilsonianism began to be institutionalized for the first time in East Asia.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Camp David Agreement between South Korea, the United States, and Japan will be the beginning of an East Asian version of NATO. \u003cbr\u003eA multilateral security cooperation system that goes beyond bilateral relations would be consistent with Wilsonian collective security and would give the United States a superior position to respond to China.\u003cbr\u003e The ROK-US-Japan security cooperation system will also function as an institutional framework to check China and constrain Japan's actions.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger predicted that Japan would soon develop its own weapons of mass destruction in response to China.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger sees restraining Japan's unilateral actions as important in the long term as containing China.\u003cbr\u003e British General Ismay, the first NATO Secretary General, once said that NATO's purpose was to \"kick the Russians out, bring the Americans in, and keep the Germans down.\"\u003cbr\u003e This is why an East Asian version of NATO is the best choice for Korea.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The Camp David Agreement between South Korea, the United States, and Japan can be seen as a historic moment for both South Korea and the United States. \u003cbr\u003eFor South Korea, the United States is an essential strategic lever for balancing not only China but also Japan.\u003cbr\u003e The Camp David Accords will serve to protect the ROK-US alliance from America's isolationist tendencies.\u003cbr\u003e For the United States, this is the realization of a situation where President Obama and then-President Joe Biden called South Korea a linchpin of American security.\u003cbr\u003e This has a similar aspect to the UK being the lynchpin in America's relations with Europe.\u003cbr\u003e For Britain, the special relationship with the United States meant more than just maintaining influence over American policymaking and providing a counterbalance to the European continent.\u003cbr\u003e Britain knows full well that American non-engagement in the world is far more dangerous to British interests than over-engagement. \u003cbr\u003eIf the United States cannot be left alone to ensure global stability and national interests, then South Korea is the country that can play that role in Asia.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Another significance of the Camp David Agreement between South Korea, the US, and Japan is that South Korea acted according to the logic of the balance of power.\u003cbr\u003e Balance of power means that other countries form alliances to check the most threatening country in the region.\u003cbr\u003e China has made no secret of its desire to become the dominant power in East Asia.\u003cbr\u003e The Camp David Accords allowed South Korea to overcome long-standing hostilities and seek alliance with Japan and China.\u003cbr\u003e Before World War I, Britain and France had been long-time rivals, but they formed a loose alliance called the Anglo-French Entente to counter German expansion, which led to victory in World War I.\u003cbr\u003e The unity of France and Germany, enemies of World War II, became another foundation for victory in the Cold War.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003eThe ultimate significance of the Camp David Agreement between South Korea, the United States, and Japan is that it is the first time that support for Korean unification has been included in an international document.\u003cbr\u003e The Camp David spirit states, “We express our support for the bold vision of the Republic of Korea and support a free and peaceful unified Korean Peninsula.”\u003cbr\u003e This opens up the possibility that South Korea will receive support from the United States and Japan in the process of unifying the Korean Peninsula.\u003cbr\u003e Just as the Soviet Union collapsed with the unification of East and West Germany, the unification of the Korean Peninsula could be considered strategically.\u003cbr\u003e Henry Kissinger's Diplomacy contains an in-depth analysis of the United States' position and strategy on the Korean War.\u003cbr\u003e Kissinger said that when South Korean and UN forces decided to advance north across the 38th parallel during the Korean War, they had to make strategic decisions about where to establish a defensive line, keeping in mind the possibility of Chinese intervention. \u003cbr\u003eA must-read for unification strategies in the new Korean Peninsula situation.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Modern history is filled with the agony and determination of leaders who shouldered the fate of their nations.\u003cbr\u003e Richelieu of France did so during the Thirty Years' War, Metternich of Austria did so in 1814, and Bismarck of Germany did so in 1871.\u003cbr\u003e Woodrow Wilson of the United States did so in 1914.\u003cbr\u003e \"Henry Kissinger's Diplomacy\" reveals the anguish and dilemma of countless national leaders facing diplomatic choices.\u003cbr\u003e And through their choices, it shows how modern history has unfolded.\u003cbr\u003e Sometimes it was inevitable, sometimes it was brilliant, sometimes it was foolish.\u003cbr\u003e \"Henry Kissinger's Diplomacy\" is a must-read for national leaders in this era who must make diplomatic choices that will determine the fate of their nation. \u003cbr\u003e\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003cdiv\u003e\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:95%;padding-top:20px;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:16px;font-weight:bold;padding-bottom:20px\"\u003e GOODS SPECIFICS \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"text-align:left;font-size:14px;line-height:1.6em;\"\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eDate of issue:\u003c\/strong\u003e August 25, 2023\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n \u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e- \u003cstrong\u003ePage count, weight, size:\u003c\/strong\u003e 928 pages | 1,394g | 172*238*40mm\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eISBN13:\u003c\/strong\u003e 9788989566892\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003cdiv style=\"width:100%;margin-bottom:5px;line-height:1.6em;font-size:14px\"\u003e - \u003cstrong\u003eISBN10:\u003c\/strong\u003e 8989566894 \u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/div\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003ccenter\u003e\u003ctable\u003e\u003ctr\u003e\u003ctd style=\"height:10px\"\u003e\u003c\/td\u003e\u003c\/tr\u003e\u003c\/table\u003e\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\u003cspan\u003e\u003c\/span\u003e\n\n\u003c\/center\u003e\n\n\n\u003c\/center\u003e","brand":"LIBRAIRIE COREENNE","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":43891450347562,"sku":"164654","price":55.0,"currency_code":"EUR","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0683\/2750\/5962\/files\/6073c96a21fe93467442cc0c02c4f378.jpg?v=1765325585","url":"https:\/\/librairie.coreenne.fr\/en\/products\/164654","provider":"LIBRAIRIE COREENNE","version":"1.0","type":"link"}