Part 1: On Humans

Chapter 1: On the Senses
Chapter 2: On Imagination
Chapter 3: On the Continuation or Continuation of Imagination
Chapter 4: Language Ability
Chapter 5: On Inference and Scientific Knowledge
Chapter 6: Of the internal origin of the voluntary movements commonly called passions, and of the manner of speech in which they are expressed.
Chapter 7: On the Conclusion or Resolution of Discourse
Chapter 8: Of the Virtues Commonly Called Intellectual, and of Their Contrary Faults
Chapter 9: On the Various Subjects of Knowledge
Chapter 10: On Power, Value, Hierarchy, Honor, and Eligibility
Chapter 11: Differences in Lifestyle
Chapter 12: On Religion
Chapter 13: Of the natural state of man, its blessings and miseries
Chapter 14: Of the First and Second Laws of Nature and Contracts
Chapter 15: On Other Natural Laws
Chapter 16: On Person, Self and Personified Things

Part II: On the Commonwealth

Chapter 17. Of the Causes, Creation, and Definition of Commonwealths.
Chapter 18: On the Rights of Sovereigns by Establishment
Chapter 19. On the Types of Commonwealths and the Succession to Sovereignty by Establishment
Chapter 20: On Patriarchal and Despotic Rule
Chapter 21: On the Freedom of the People
Chapter 22: On Political and Private Organizations Subject to Sovereignty
Chapter 23: On the Public Agents of Sovereignty
Chapter 24: Of the Nutrition and Reproduction of the Commonwealth
Chapter 25: On Advice
Chapter 26: On Civil Law
Chapter 27: On Crimes, Exemptions, and Circumstances
Chapter 28: On Punishment and Compensation
Chapter 29. Of the Factors Which May Weaken or Promote the Dissolution of the Commonwealth
Chapter 30: On the Duties of Sovereign Representatives
Chapter 31: On the Kingdom of God through Nature

Translator's Note
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brief history

Leviathan: A New Look at the Global Era

There are two fundamental experiences that have dominated the modern political imagination.
The first is the experience of oppression, from which the desire for freedom arose.
The second is the experience of civil war and disorder, from which a desire for order arose.
It can be said that the history of modern political movements and theories has been shaped by the tension between the two opposing aspirations of freedom and order.
Leviathan is a classic among classics representing the genealogy of order in that it systematically theorized how to build political order and peace, starting from the experience of disorder arising from the European religious wars. On the other hand, it was the starting point of modern politics and science in that it theorized that aspiration from a materialist perspective.
But from the perspective of the rising bourgeoisie at the time, Hobbes's theory was like entering a tiger's den to avoid a fox.
Because the freedom of the bourgeoisie could be taken away at any time as long as the sovereign's will was not controlled.
Rousseau's question, "Is the safety (peace) in prison even safety?", well represents this situation.
Modern political history since then has progressed according to the paradox of freedom, in which the institutional guarantee of freedom structurally deprives freedom, and Hobbes's Leviathan was the starting point of this paradox of freedom.

Today, Hobbes attracts attention in another sense.
This is because, from a political perspective, today's global stage is either in the state of nature analyzed by Hobbes or in a weak state of nature.
In Hobbes, natural rights are the right of each person to 'do whatever he considers most appropriate for his own preservation', and the state of nature is a state in which everyone freely exercises this natural right.
In this state, no one is safe, and the fear of death by violence is widespread.
Consider recent wars and civil wars, including the Iraq War.
So how can we escape this natural state? There are two possibilities.
The first is the Pax Americana system, which maintains peace under the power of the realistic Leviathan called the United States.
In fact, it is from this perspective that the United States, which calls itself the world's policeman, defines countries that oppose it as gangsters from the police's perspective.
The second is to establish a global citizenship law and regulate global politics accordingly.
This is the path that many countries want, but it is a long way off.
Because the United States does not want to cede its natural rights as the sole superpower and be governed by world civil law.

Although today's international arena possesses many of the conditions for a Hobbesian state of nature, it appears to lack one crucial condition for moving beyond the state of nature and into a legal contractual relationship.
That is equality in the sense that no one is safe from the attacks of others.
The strongest will never surrender his natural rights unless there is an equal opportunity to kill.
The United States, the sole powerhouse, did so.
The United States is obsessively pursuing missile defense systems, despite the lessons of 9/11, which taught us that even the strongest can be attacked.
This may be because they believe it is the only way to prevent attacks and thus continue to guarantee their natural rights.
This shows that Hobbes's logic is valid for understanding today's international situation.
Over the past 350 years, Hobbes's logic still holds urgent relevance on a stage that has shifted from the nation-state to the global level.
In this respect, the publication of Leviathan has special significance.
For, except for the time when the book was first published in 1651, its appeal has rarely had such a pressing realism as it does today.
Perhaps future political debates on a global scale, whether for, against, or in revision, will fundamentally revolve around Hobbes's logic.

In addition, there is something particularly welcome about the publication of 『Leviathan』.
This translation is the result of years of meticulous research based on the first edition, and is rich in the translator's notes, making it accessible to anyone. Above all, it allows for a safe reading experience without the anxiety of having to compare it with the original.