The first party in Korea!
A national party that has protected democracy together with citizens
The Democratic Party's 70 years of passionate history
A single book that explores the modern political history of South Korea.

This year, the Democratic Party of Korea celebrates its 70th anniversary.
2025 is also the year when the civil war was ended through the power of the people and the sovereignty of the Republic of Korea was confirmed to lie with the people.
To commemorate this historic year, the Democratic Party's 70-year history has been compiled into a single book.
This book illuminates the history of the Democratic Party in a three-dimensional way through five themes: moments of 'birth,' 'division,' 'unification,' 'suffering,' and 'resistance.'
Why should we read the history of the Democratic Party? Because everyone who was born, lived, or is living in this land has shared historical moments with the Democratic Party.
Since its founding on September 19, 1955, the Democratic Party has stood alongside the people at every important juncture in the modern history of the Republic of Korea.
It has been like that since its birth.
History gave birth to the Democratic Party.
The anti-democratic behavior of the Syngman Rhee regime, including the Busan political scandal, the constitutional amendment by extracting information, and the successive constitutional amendments by adding information, gave birth to the Democratic Party.
The Democratic Party, born in this way, has always been at the forefront of resistance and struggle during the long military dictatorship that followed.


There were also long years when I had to live flat on my stomach, barely able to breathe, under cruel and vicious oppression.
Still, he never gave up his desire for democracy.
Even after the military government finally ended, there were no easy days due to the corruption of state affairs, the dictatorship of the prosecution, and the illegal martial law on December 3, 2024.
Whenever democracy in the Republic of Korea was at a critical juncture, the Democratic Party was always at the center of history.
Although the process was difficult, the path was finally opened thanks to the light of the citizens.
“A political party is a mirror reflecting the times and a vessel shaped by public sentiment.” As such, modern Korean political history is deeply intertwined with the Democratic Party.
This book was written with the hope that understanding the history of the Democratic Party would serve as a lens through which to examine the modern political history of the Republic of Korea and another way to understand how our democracy came to be what it is today.

The Democratic Party's 70-year history is marked by numerous hardships.
Despite our dedicated efforts alongside citizens to prevent the tyranny of dictatorial regimes, including the Syngman Rhee regime's revision of the National Security Act and the Park Chung-hee regime's humiliating Korea-Japan Agreement and constitutional amendment for a third term, most of these actions were ultimately unsuccessful.
I have suffered the humiliation of being dragged out of the National Assembly like a dog many times.
There were also numerous political terrorist attacks.
The dictatorship did not hesitate to attempt to assassinate Democratic Party leaders who opposed them.
The Democratic Party's 70-year history is not only filled with hardships, but also with many shameful and disappointing moments that are painful to even look back on.
This was especially true when, on the eve of a change of government, they fought and were divided, failing to meet public opinion.
However, for those who face history and continue to move forward, even shameful history becomes a source of nourishment for further development by reflecting on and correcting it.
With that belief, this book contains the Democratic Party's shameful history without any additions or subtractions.
This book says, “Good politics can only be achieved when there is a good political party, and good politics can only be achieved when there is a good country.”
I hope that this will provide readers with an opportunity to view history objectively, while also conveying the profound lessons that history offers.

I only found out about it while looking into the history of the Democratic Party.
Political parties are mirrors of the times and vessels shaped by public sentiment.
The Democratic Party is a party created by the times and public sentiment.
The Democratic Party has served more faithfully as a mirror and vessel than anyone else.
That history contains the face of Korea's turbulent modern history.
So, looking into the history of the Democratic Party is also a good way to understand modern Korean history.

--- From "Entering"

The commotion that had been going on for forty days has come to an end.
It is often called the Busan Political Wave, but in reality it was a coup d'état orchestrated by Syngman Rhee.
This was the beginning of a tragedy that would recur in Korean political history: the first attempt to amend the constitution through violence and extend power through violence.
Syngman Rhee, who had amended the constitution by violence to allow for direct elections, gained a foothold for long-term rule.

--- From "The President's Coup"

There was a conflict between calls for self-destruction in the National Assembly, which called for resigning from the National Assembly because the Liberty Party's violence could not be stopped, and calls for a strong fight against the Liberty Party's illegality.
After debate, the struggle theory prevailed.
They also agreed to accelerate the creation of a new political party based on the people, along with the struggle.
The Committee for Countermeasures Against Unconstitutionality was renamed the “Constitutional Protection Comrades Association (Hodong)” and a negotiating group was formed, and it was decided to “continue to fight for the cause of constitutional protection and national salvation.”
The opposition party, which had been unable to shake off its lethargy since the Busan political scandal, began to regain its vitality.
Crisis always comes with opportunity.
The question is whether or not you will seize that opportunity.

--- From "The Republic of Four and a Half"

The media also expressed great regret that the Constitutional Protection Association did not accept Jo Bong-am.
He criticized the incompetence of talking about unity but insisting that Jo Bong-am should not be included.
He asked whether the reason for Jo Bong-am's expulsion was really ideological issues.
The question is whether it was due to a power struggle and a fight for leadership in the new party.
In any case, the Democratic Party was greatly discouraged.
In the end, he had no choice but to break away from the new party movement and establish his own innovative party.
The new party movement, which had been gaining momentum, has also lost some of its momentum.
Cho Bong-am lamented that the new party movement had degenerated into a party of only “homogeneous and similar ideologies,” and that the unity of democratic forces had been lost.
The Constitutional Protection Comrades Association was a difficult attempt by conservatives and progressives to join forces to realize anti-dictatorship democracy.
Unfortunately, the attempt was only half successful.

--- From "Great Unity"

Park Chung-hee crossed the Han River Bridge with tanks at the forefront.
On May 16, 1961, three months after the New Democratic Party was founded and eight months after the Jang Myeon government came to power.
The government established after 12 years of dictatorship collapsed in the blink of an eye.
It was such a desolate and vain moment.
I simply looked back at the 'clock of history' to see where and what went wrong.
When the old and new factions of the Democratic Party were fighting fiercely, there were party members in front of the National Assembly who held up banners that read, “Party strife is the root of the ruin of the Joseon Dynasty for 500 years,” and shouted every day not to split the party.
What if the Democratic Party hadn't split as demanded? What if the old guard had cooperated more with the new faction? Would the coup have been prevented? Of course, no assumption can justify the coup forces.
Likewise, no reason can obscure the fact that the Democratic Party has abandoned the mission bestowed upon it by the April 19 Revolution.
At the moment of division, the Democratic Party government, founded on the blood shed in the revolution, may already be doomed to failure.
The split between the old and new factions not only destroyed the party, but also opened the way for the Republic of Korea to be trampled underfoot by military boots.
It was the most shameful moment in the history of the Democratic Party.

--- From "The Betrayed Revolution"

These two paths of hard-line and moderate lines began to become a major cause of conflict and division within the opposition party.
The People's Party, which was formed through the reunification of the Democratic Party, also ended up splitting apart.
With the regime's machinations added to this, suspicion and distrust of each other became more frequent.
Now, sakura could bloom at any time.

--- From "Sakura in Full Bloom"

After many twists and turns, the day of the convention arrived.
On May 25th, no one expected the convention to proceed smoothly, but the situation was far more serious than expected.
The war was going on from the night before until dawn.
In an attempt to seize the convention hall, mainstream and non-mainstream party members armed with clubs and mobilized gangsters fought back and forth.
In the midst of the brawl, the chairman of the convention changed four times.

--- From the "All-Ruler Convention"

At 6 p.m. on June 10th, the bell rang forty-two times to mark the start of the Great March for Democracy.
It symbolized 42 years of division and dictatorship.
As the bell rang, citizens gathered around the Anglican Cathedral in front of Seoul City Hall, the venue for the event, sang the national anthem and cars honked their horns.
The statement was read.
The Democratic Justice Party's presidential nomination convention was declared invalid.
On this day, as citizens chanted for the abolition of the Constitution and the overthrow of the dictatorship in the tear gas-covered streets, Roh Tae-woo was elected as Chun Doo-hwan's successor on a stage with flower petals fluttering in the air at Jamsil Gymnasium.
While Roh Tae-woo was buried in the besame mucho that flowed from the hotel banquet hall, 3,831 citizens who ran through the streets across the country had to be put in chicken trucks and interrogated overnight.

--- From "Complete Separation"

Self-destruction born of division.
It wasn't a completely unfamiliar sight.
Since 1955, the Democratic Party has been divided and has failed to fulfill its historical responsibilities on several occasions.
It was the same when he first took power.
Even then, the new and old factions fought, saying that it was better if the house burned down because the bedbugs died.
In the end, the old guard set up a new party called the New Democratic Party.
In the end, after only nine months in power, he handed over power to Park Chung-hee's coup.
After that, military rule continued for 26 years.
1987 was the moment when we could escape that long, dark tunnel.
They say there are no ifs in history, but it is closer to the truth that if the Democratic Party had united, it could have ended the 26-year military rule.
The Democratic Unification Party and the Democratic Peace Party ultimately failed to unify their candidates, and Roh Tae-woo, Chun Doo-hwan's successor, was elected.
The defeat stemmed from greed and division that betrayed the will of the people.

--- From "The Loner Standing Alone"

With the Democratic Unification Party's participation in the three-party merger, the Democratic Party was completely isolated ideologically and regionally.
There has never been such complete isolation in the history of the Democratic Party.
The Democratic Liberal Party created a confrontational structure of 'conservatism vs. innovation.'
He presented himself as a right-winger who would protect liberal democracy and bring prosperity to the Republic of Korea.
On the other hand, Kim Dae-jung and the Democratic Party began to develop a color theory, claiming that they were a leftist force that denied liberal democracy.
The three-party merger was also a non-Honam alliance that isolated Honam.
The People's Party struggled to break through the isolation and encirclement and advance onto the wide plains.
The Democratic Party, which needed to expand and grow further, set out to build a democratic coalition by embracing centrist democratic forces.

--- From "The Loner Standing Alone"

Sometimes a chance moment becomes a historical moment.
One photo helped spark a new trend.
The incident occurred at the party executive meeting on September 4, 2003.
The new mainstream party said that it could not delay any longer and attempted to make a final decision on the creation of the new party on this day.
The old guard once again tried to disrupt the meeting, and the conference room became a scene of chaos with verbal abuse and physical fights.
Representative Im Kyung-mi from the new mainstream faction, who was sitting on a chair, was in pain after having her hair grabbed, while Vice-Chairwoman of the Women's Special Committee Moon Pal-gwae from the old mainstream faction, who had grabbed her hair, had a smug expression on her face.
Meanwhile, someone played the Democratic Party song in the conference room.
"You and I, let's become one and move forward with strength, the New Hope Democratic Party!"
--- From "The Fall of the Giant Ruling Party"

Every time there was an election, they lost, and the leadership was divided.
Co-representatives Ahn Cheol-soo and Kim Han-gil stepped down, and floor leader Park Young-sun took over as chairperson, forming an emergency response committee.
This time, the name "National Empathy Innovation Committee" was called because the name "Emergency Committee" was embarrassing.
It was the will to rebuild the party with innovations that the people could sympathize with.
Meanwhile, the conflict between hardliners and moderates grew over the issue of handling the Sewol Ferry Special Act.
The argument is that the ruling party made too many concessions during the process of reaching an agreement on the Sewol Ferry Special Act.
Even Park Young-sun, who was waiting for a rainbow to appear on a storm-swept hill, had to leave without seeing a rainbow.
The wind and rain did not stop.
It was embarrassing, but Moon Hee-sang had to return as the vice-chairman of the emergency committee.
He called for a halt to factional activities until the party was normalized in its first day.
The activities of that faction were reproducing defeat and inviting mutual destruction.
There was no one who was unaware of the problem.

--- From "New Politics Ended in Fighting"

The moment has come for the New Democratic Party to be born.
At 11:00 AM on February 7, 1967, a miracle was finally achieved after overcoming countless waves.
At this moment, the two parties disappeared into history, leaving only one name each in the New Democratic Party.
The leaders of the two parties exchanged final farewells and shook hands to celebrate the start.
Yoon Bo-seon, leader of the New Korea Party, called for "true unification, not formal unification."
Park Soon-cheon, leader of the People's Party, also urged, "Only when we truly unite will we receive the people's proper support."
A total of 54 delegates, including 28 delegates recommended by each party and 4 delegates from the opposition party, unanimously endorsed Yun Bo-seon as the presidential candidate and Yoo Jin-oh as the party leader.
With this, Yun Bo-seon became a presidential candidate for the third time in his life, and Yoo Jin-oh took on the important role of leader of the main opposition party just over 100 days after joining the party.
Yun Bo-seon, who was nominated as a presidential candidate, promised in his acceptance speech that he would “achieve the rewarding task of establishing the tradition of peaceful transfer of power in this land, and dedicate the rest of his life to reforming a new path for the people.”

--- From "Towards a New Democracy"

People in their 40s came forward.
They put forward 'generations' rather than 'factions'.
He argued that only generational change could fundamentally change the party.
It was the moment when the so-called 40-year-old rider theory emerged.
Certainly, the New Democratic Party was an old party.
The Republican Party was led by people in their 30s and 40s, while the New Democratic Party was led by people in their 60s.
Younger members of the party criticized the leadership in their 60s for being preoccupied with maintaining the status quo.
So, the party has lost its vitality and has also lost the support of the people.
The New Democratic Party members were quite surprised and bewildered by the generational shift that called for putting new wine in new wineskins.
The wind of generational change seemed cool and refreshing, but it was soon turning into a strong typhoon.

--- From "The Quiet Revolution"

It was really bad from the start.
As soon as Chun Doo-hwan took power, he abolished the New Democratic Party overnight.
It wasn't just the party that was disbanded.
The hands and feet of those who lost their party and were scattered were tied.
However, it was the New Democratic Party that had been fighting for over 13 years even under Park Chung-hee.
The rope was so tight that I couldn't move, but I kept struggling.
Then a small gap appeared.
A squirm began through that small gap.
Thus, finally, in 1984, the Council for the Promotion of Democracy (CDP) was born.
This organization was created by people who were banned from political and party activities, and who could not even bring themselves to join the government-controlled opposition party. Its form was unique, neither a political party nor an independent organization.
The Democratic Party's National Coalition for Democratic Party of Korea served as a bridge to connect the broken history of the Democratic Party.
The New Korea Democratic Party, which inherited the legitimacy of the Democratic Party by crossing that bridge, was reborn.

--- From "Five Years After Reunion"

It was a unification that took over a year and was achieved after many twists and turns.
Looking at the number of seats alone, the gap was large, with the New Democratic Party holding 67 seats and the Democratic Party holding 8, but it was an equal merger.
If you look at it only in terms of numbers, the New Democratic Party may have made concessions, but in reality, they gained more.
For Kim Dae-jung and the New Democratic Party, expanding their political base to the Yeongnam region and shedding their image as a Honam Party was a very urgent task.
Integration has laid a good foundation for solving that problem.
On the other hand, although it seemed like they had gained a lot as a minority party, Democratic Party lawmakers ended up making difficult decisions.
In Yeongnam, where anti-Honam and anti-Kim Dae-jung sentiments are strong, putting up the New Democratic Party signboard was a decision that meant being prepared to lose in the next election.
One way or another, attention could not help but turn to the 14th general election to be held next year.
The Democratic Party had high hopes for the fruits of unification.

--- From "Against the Three-Party Collusion"

December 19th, the dawn of election day finally dawned.
Before the polling stations even opened that day, there were people who left their homes and were crying, hurrying to collect copies of the Chosun Ilbo that had been strewn across the street.
They were members of the Democratic Party and the Labor-Management Council.
Something had to be done.
All day long, we urged each other to vote on our phones and the Internet.
The desire to protect Roh Moo-hyun was so earnest and desperate.

--- From "Opening the Door to the New Millennium"

When a contest was held for a new party name, over 3,200 submissions poured in.
The name contained all the regrets and hopes the party had for itself.
Most of the names include ‘Democratic Party’.
That is how much supporters had pride, confidence, and affection for the name ‘Democratic Party.’
On December 28, 2015, the name 'Democratic Party of Korea' was finally chosen.

--- From "The Dream of a Centennial Party"

The assassination of Vice President Jang was not directed solely at Jang.
It was a blatant political terrorism against the newly established Democratic Party.
The Jang Myeon terrorist incident clearly shows the true nature of a dictator who refuses to acknowledge his enemies and seeks to ruthlessly eliminate them, and the true nature of a dictatorial regime that maintains power by dividing opposing forces.
But the Democrats did not flinch in the face of political terrorism.
Together with the people, we resisted dictatorship and corruption.
Even in the midst of severe hardship, he accepted the struggle for democracy as a historical calling and political destiny.
In this way, the Democratic Party establishes a Democratic Party government by putting forward a scene of coming back from the dead.

--- From "Bear Hunt"

In fact, as the Jangchungdan rally terrorist incident was covered up without anyone being identified, political thugs gained wings.
He acted as a private soldier of the Liberal Party regime and unhesitatingly used violence against the opposition party, the media, and citizens.
The regime assisted, condoned, and protected this.
Meanwhile, the violence eroded power and contributed to the downfall of the Syngman Rhee regime.

--- From "Trampled Jangchungdan"

Although the ban on political activities was lifted a few times, it was entirely up to Park Chung-hee.
It was something he did if he wanted to do it, and stopped if he didn't want to.
I had no idea who would be released and when.
Even in the midst of all this, he did not show even an iota of leniency to a single person.
In both the 1963 presidential election and the general election, the 'Democratic Party boss' was turned into a living corpse.
The scene, which had been tied up like that, was not allowed to engage in political activities until May 16, 1966.
It was later than Syngman Rhee, who was released on June 21, 1965.
But by then, death was already upon us.
Less than a month after the ban on political activities was lifted, Jang Myeon ended his eventful life and departed for “a paradise without political parties, elections, or political laws.”

--- From "Fabricated Counter-Revolution"

A week before the nitric acid attack, Kim Young-sam warned Kim Hyung-wook at a plenary session of the National Assembly, "If you don't want to end up like Choi In-gyu, who was hanged as the mastermind behind the March 15 election fraud, you should exercise restraint."
This remark seemed to have really offended Kim Hyung-wook.
Shortly before the terrorist attack, I met with Koh Heung-moon, the secretary general of the New Democratic Party, and what he said was chilling.
Kim Young-sam was certain that the person who said, “Can’t a knife go into Kim Young-sam’s stomach?” couldn’t have just said that.
The only thing that changed was that nitric acid was used instead of a knife.

--- From "Flying Nitric Acid Bottle"

As always, the final response was to lock the case in a 'labyrinth'.
From the moment the incident occurred, rumors that the Central Intelligence Agency was behind it spread, and testimonies from the perpetrators of the crime followed.
Yet the government remained silent.
Even though they quietly dismissed Lee Hu-rak, the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, they did not catch the real culprit.
Instead, only the victim, Kim Dae-jung, was 'punished' by being locked up in the Donggyo-dong house.
After a while, the whole story was revealed.
It was not at all different from what was expected.
The kidnapping of Kim Dae-jung was a sophisticated operation, also known as “Operation KT,” planned and executed directly by high-ranking officials of the Central Intelligence Agency.

--- From "The Kidnapped Exile"

President Kim Young-sam made a determined statement like a general facing a decisive battle.
“We must choose whether to die today and live forever, or live today and die forever.
“I don’t want to live a mean life.”
All lawmakers even adopted a resolution to share the same fate as President Kim Young-sam.
“We condemn the disciplinary action against Chairman Kim as political retaliation against the entire New Democratic Party and a defiant act against the overwhelming majority of the people who support our party.”
The expulsion of the leader of the main opposition party was a desperate measure, and that desperate measure revived the New Democratic Party, which was on the verge of splitting.
Even the word "recovery of the phone" was not enough.
The New Democratic Party united and turned its guns outward again.

--- From "The Dawn Comes"

Kim Dae-jung's sentence was reduced from life imprisonment to 20 years on March 3, 1982.
On December 23, 1982, he was released from prison on a suspended sentence and went into exile in the United States for the second time.
Five years later, Kim Dae-jung was pardoned and reinstated in the conspiracy case.
On that road, he found Gwangju, which had become a land of rebellion and was intertwined with him.
He wept bitterly in front of the Gwangju spirits, saying, “The blood you shed will live forever with history.”
The sight tore at the hearts of those who saw it.
Kim Dae-jung finally became the 15th President of the Republic of Korea in 1998, and in 2003, after completing his term, he requested a retrial of the Kim Dae-jung conspiracy case.
The trial result was not guilty.
The court stated in its ruling, “It is a legitimate act carried out to protect the existence of the Constitution and constitutional order by preventing or opposing the new military junta’s crimes of destroying the Constitution that occurred around the December 12 Incident in 1979 and the May 18 Uprising in 1980, and therefore falls under the legitimate act defined in Article 20 of the Criminal Act and is not a crime.”

--- From "Death Sentence"

The Yongpal incident opened up a new dimension of political manipulation and political terrorism.
This incident was certainly different from previous political terrorism.
Until then, the government had manipulated the political terrorism against the opposition party to make it appear as an internal fight within the opposition party.
The assassination of Vice President Jang Myeon was like that, and the incident of obstruction of the Jangchungdan rally was like that.
At least no one within the Democratic Party has ever been directly involved in terrorism.
Instead, the Democratic Party stood together as one against manipulation and terrorism.
But the Yongpal incident was different.
He joined hands with intelligence agencies and engaged in political maneuvering to suppress opposition forces within the party.
The insider received money from the intelligence agency and subcontracted violence to the gangsters.
It was truly a sad thing.

--- From "The Mad Dragon"

On April 30th, Roh Moo-hyun finally went to the prosecution.
I bowed my head to the people as I boarded the bus to Seoul.
“I am ashamed in front of the people.
“I’m sorry for disappointing you.” I couldn’t suppress my complicated feelings.
He even told his supporters, "You should abandon me."
The miserable times had discouraged him.
And on the morning of Sunday, May 23, 2009, Roh Moo-hyun went up to the mountain behind the village and never returned.
His friend Moon Jae-in delivered the 'shocking and sad news' with a somber expression.
Roh Moo-hyun made an extreme choice.
The reason for his choice could only be guessed at from the writings he left behind.
“I owe so much to so many people, and the pain I have caused so many people is so great.
“The pain I will endure in the future is immeasurable, and I will only be a burden to others for the rest of my life.”
--- From "It's Fate"

Why on earth did the prosecution pursue Lee Jae-myung so cruelly and persistently? Of course, their primary goal was to remove him, but that wasn't their only goal.
The intention to completely destroy the Democratic Party was also clear.
The intention was to tie up Lee Jae-myung, who had become the center of the Democratic Party, with "judicial risks," thereby giving opportunities to other challengers or factions and ultimately causing the party to split.

--- From "Republic of Prosecutors"

In such a chaotic time, the dead returned.
The dead led the living into the light.
On April 11, a body was found floating at Masan Central Wharf.
It was Kim Ju-yeol, a 17-year-old boy who went missing during the Masan protests on March 15th.
There was a tear gas canister lodged in his eye.
It was a horrible and miserable sight.
Busan Ilbo reporter Heo Jong took a picture of the gruesome scene and published it in the newspaper.
Masan citizens were shocked and outraged when they saw the photo.
Syngman Rhee's regime must step down! Execute Lee Ki-bung!
--- From "The Flames of Revolution"

Even in such an atmosphere, the People's Party members who participated in the Special Committee on the Ratification and Agreement Review fought until the very end.
On August 11th, the special committee continued its Q&A session until 11 p.m.
It left an alternative discussion.
Suddenly, Republican Rep. Josh Hyoung agreed to pass the ratification bill.
Jaecheong and Samcheong followed.
In an instant, only the voting procedure remained.
The Democratic Party lawmakers left their seats and rushed to the moderator's seat, but Republican lawmakers blocked their way.
The Republican Party members outnumbered the Democratic Party members and had superior fighting power, so there was nothing they could do.
In the end, the ratification agreement passed the special review committee as per the government's original plan.

--- From "Facing Humiliation"

It was a total election fraud, with the entire campaign process and even the vote counting tainted with fraud.
In places like Beolgyo, Hwasun, and Yeosu in South Jeolla Province, public voting was held, and the New Democratic Party candidate was so angry that he withdrew.
Proxy voting took place in Jongno, Dongdaemun, Seodaemun, and other areas in Seoul, and there were countless ballot boxes filled with votes.
Owl counting, where the lights are deliberately turned off and the votes are counted, has also become a popular method.
A thug stormed into a polling station and chased out opposition observers.
As vote rigging was carried out openly, some absurd things happened.
There were 740,000 more voters than in the presidential election just a month ago.
Whether the number of voters was reduced during the presidential election or increased during the general election, one of the two was manipulated.
All of these cases were evidence pointing to massive election fraud.

--- From "Let's Recover the Stolen Tickets"

The desire for power ends only in death.
The measure that stopped that endless desire was Article 69 of the Constitution, which stipulates that the presidential term is four years and that only one re-election is allowed.
This means that one person can only stay in office for eight years at most.
But to Park Chung-hee, who was just getting used to the power he held, it was absurd.

--- From "Protect the Constitution"

The People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy decided to create a new party by participating in the general election.
Five years after the dissolution of the New Democratic Party, it was decided to re-establish a party that would follow the Democratic Party's orthodoxy.
The Democratic Party of Korea endured the darkest times and the longest political vacuum, becoming another chapter in the history of the Democratic Party.
During a time when political activities were prohibited, Democratic Party members gathered together under the name of the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy to fight and unite.
The Democratic Alliance for Democracy successfully experimented with integration and coalition politics, leaving a significant mark on the democratization of Korea.
The Democratic Coalition for Democracy, which led the June Struggle of 1987 and achieved massive democratization, was dissolved on the last day of that year.
Until the moment of its dissolution, the Minchuhyup was a beautiful organization that kept its promises.
“We will fight with the dedication to return the glory of democracy we will finally achieve to history and the people, and to make all hardships and sacrifices our own, as the foundation of our activities.”
--- From "Lighting the Dawn of Democracy"

On March 11, the New Democratic Party held a founding ceremony for the Seoul branch of the Constitutional Amendment Promotion Committee, with 1,500 party members from the Seoul area in attendance.
Starting on this day, signature collection campaigns and branch formation rallies were held in various places including Busan, Gwangju, Daegu, Daejeon, and Cheongju.
Kim Dae-jung was unable to attend the convention due to being confined to his home, but he recorded his speech and sent it to the convention.
Tens of thousands of people gathered each time the competition was held.
Citizens and party members who finished the rally marched through the streets, chanting, “I will take the presidency into my own hands!”, “Democracy is the foundation of the world!”, and “Down with dictatorship!”
The constitutional amendment petition campaign promoted by the New Democratic Party provided great stimulation to people from all walks of life.
Religious circles, university professors, and students also issued declarations demanding constitutional amendments and actively participated in signature campaigns.
As the atmosphere ripened, the New Democratic Party and non-governmental organizations joined forces to create and operate the 'National Liaison Organization for Democratization.'
The people responded enthusiastically.
The New Democratic Party, with its momentum rising, put more pressure on the government.
He pledged that if the Constitution is not amended, “I will not nominate a candidate for the 1988 presidential election and will continue the election boycott struggle to the end.”

--- From "Abolish the Constitution, Overthrow the Dictatorship"

For Kim Dae-jung, who was nearing seventy, an indefinite hunger strike was a drastic measure.
The Democratic Party is in an awkward position.
If the fast was prolonged and any problems arose for Kim Dae-jung, an uncontrollable situation could have developed.
Only then did they start making a fuss about how they would hurriedly decide on a party line and enter into negotiations.
On the fourth day of the hunger strike, Kim Young-sam, who was an expert on hunger strikes, visited the People's Party headquarters.
Kim Dae-jung earnestly appealed to Kim Young-sam as a comrade who had fought for democracy.
“Local self-governance is the core of democratization, so don’t turn away from it even if you go to the ruling party.”
--- From "Reclaiming Autonomy"

At 10:23 PM on December 3, Yoon Seok-yeol stood in front of the camera with a very angry face.
He read the paper he took out of a yellow envelope, saying he would make an emergency address to the nation, and it was full of one-sided criticism of the opposition party and the National Assembly.
He called the opposition party and the National Assembly “monsters that are destroying the liberal democratic system.”
He claimed that because of that monster, South Korea was facing the “fate of a lighthouse in the wind.”
It was as the Democratic Party expected.
Then, the speech suddenly changed into a declaration.
At 10:27, Yoon Seok-yeol raised his voice and declared martial law with the goal of “eradicating all shameless pro-North Korean, anti-state forces.”

--- From "Preventing Civil War"

With such a passionate heart and heavy shoulders, the Democratic Party celebrated its 70th anniversary.
The age of seventy is often called the age of following one's heart.
An age where you can follow your heart without straying from the path.
The Democratic Party's 70 years have been a time of following the same spirit it had at its birth.

--- From "Coming Out"