Imperial republicanism
 |
Description
Book Introduction
Exploring the Complex Self-Perception of Modern China through an Imperial Republican Perspective
As China has recently regained its status as a great power and begun to compete with the United States for global hegemony, theories of China as a threat, which fear imperialization, and the peaceful China theory, which sees China as a driving force for peaceful development, are in conflict.
This book is the result of a macroscopic view of China's self-perception and historical narrative over the past 100 years since the founding of the Republic in 1912 from the perspective of "imperial republicanism," with the aim of transcending these extreme biases and approaching a perception of China closer to reality.
Imperial republicanism is a concept of nation-building proposed as a compromise during the Xinhai Revolution to establish a republic while maintaining the imperial nature of the Qing Empire.
Using this as an analytical framework, the author reveals the circumstances under which modern China, despite its beginnings as a republic and a semi-imperial state, exhibited both republican and imperial characteristics, and the complex relationship between the two.
China, which advocated for a multi-ethnic republic in which not only the Han Chinese but also the "five ethnic groups" participated, sought to overcome its semi-colonial status with that power and become the center of anti-imperialist solidarity that would lead and support the independence movements of weaker ethnic groups around the world.
Both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party continued their efforts to restore imperialism by establishing a hierarchical international order centered on their own countries, along with efforts to realize republicanism at home and abroad.
The author recreates a century of history in which the conflicting tendencies of a republicanism that does not tolerate hierarchy and an empire that pursues hierarchical rule coexisted in tension, and compares this to the “imperial republics” of the United States and France, suggesting the possibility of transcending the two theories of Chinese exception.
This will help readers gain a more balanced understanding of China.
As China has recently regained its status as a great power and begun to compete with the United States for global hegemony, theories of China as a threat, which fear imperialization, and the peaceful China theory, which sees China as a driving force for peaceful development, are in conflict.
This book is the result of a macroscopic view of China's self-perception and historical narrative over the past 100 years since the founding of the Republic in 1912 from the perspective of "imperial republicanism," with the aim of transcending these extreme biases and approaching a perception of China closer to reality.
Imperial republicanism is a concept of nation-building proposed as a compromise during the Xinhai Revolution to establish a republic while maintaining the imperial nature of the Qing Empire.
Using this as an analytical framework, the author reveals the circumstances under which modern China, despite its beginnings as a republic and a semi-imperial state, exhibited both republican and imperial characteristics, and the complex relationship between the two.
China, which advocated for a multi-ethnic republic in which not only the Han Chinese but also the "five ethnic groups" participated, sought to overcome its semi-colonial status with that power and become the center of anti-imperialist solidarity that would lead and support the independence movements of weaker ethnic groups around the world.
Both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party continued their efforts to restore imperialism by establishing a hierarchical international order centered on their own countries, along with efforts to realize republicanism at home and abroad.
The author recreates a century of history in which the conflicting tendencies of a republicanism that does not tolerate hierarchy and an empire that pursues hierarchical rule coexisted in tension, and compares this to the “imperial republics” of the United States and France, suggesting the possibility of transcending the two theories of Chinese exception.
This will help readers gain a more balanced understanding of China.
index
Publisher of the Research Series of the Society of Modern and Contemporary Chinese History
In publishing the book
Introduction: A Perspective on 100 Years of Modern China
1.
Nation-State and Empire | Existing Perception Framework
2.
Imperial Republicanism | Institutions, Ideas, and Aims
3.
Three Chinas | Two Realities and One Imagination
Part 1: Long Live the Republic and Imperial Inertia: Imperial Republicanism
Chapter 1: The Birth of Modern History: A New Era of Republic and Anti-Imperialism
1.
The emergence and meaning of the term 'modern'
2.
The Birth and Origins of 'Modern History'
3.
Institutional stability of modern history education
4.
Delay in modern history research
Chapter 2 Imperial Republicanism: The Compromise and Tension Between Imperial Inertia and Republican Ideology
1.
Types of republican government and eclecticism
2.
The theory of the Republic of Heo Jun and the imperial nature of 'Greater China'
3.
Imperial Republicanism and the Imperialism of 'Greater China'
4.
Imperial Republicanism and the Republicanism of 'Greater China'
5.
The establishment of the Republic and the subsequent imperial republicanism
Chapter 3: The Structure of the Theory of China and the Theory of the Chinese Nation: Anti-Imperialism and Imperialism of the Five-Clan Republic
1.
Formation of anti-China theory
2.
The Duality of National Perception | Cultural Ethnicity and National Ethnicity
3.
Imperialism of National Perception | National Imperialism
4.
Theory of Mono-ethnicity | The Unity and Diversity of Constituents
5.
The Absoluteization of the Theory of the Chinese Nation | The Ethnicity and Race of the Constituent Elements
6.
The theory of the Chinese nation from the perspective of imperial republicanism
Part 2: The Rise of the Republic: Anti-Imperialist Solidarity and China in the World
Chapter 4: The Formation and Development of the Just War Theory: From the Anti-Japanese War to the Anti-American War
1.
The spread and divergence of international justice theory after World War I
2.
The Anti-Japanese War Perceptions of the Kuomintang and Communist Parties After the Manchurian Incident | Just War, Sacred War
3.
The Communist Party's Perception of the War to Resist American Aggression after the Korean War | Just War
Chapter 5: The Three Principles of the People International: Revolutionary China's Self-Representation and Design of Order
1.
The Three Principles of the People's Theory of World Revolution and the International Status of Revolutionary China
2.
The Proposal for the Establishment of the "Sammin Gukje" and Its Limited Response, 1924–1926
3.
The Rise and Radicalization of the "Sammin Gukje" Theory, 1927-1932
4.
The stagnation and long-term development of the "Sammin Gukje" (National People's Republic of China) theory, 1932-1942
5.
Towards a New International
Chapter 6: From Neutral Zone to Third Pole: China's Self-Perception and Foreign Policy After the Korean War
1.
The Korean War and the Resurgence of a "Strong China" | The Dream of Establishing the Eastern Intelligence Agency
2.
Advances in the Face of Blockade and Encirclement | The Middle Ground Strategy and the Centering of World Revolution
3.
Triangular Diplomacy Towards a Third Pole｜From Pro-Americanism to Pro-Americanism
4.
Beyond the Third Pole | The Center of Third World Peace and Development/Anti-Hegemony
Part 3: Imperialism and Republicanism in Historical Narratives
Chapter 7: Three Perspectives on Imperial China's Foreign Wars: A General History Before and After the Establishment of the People's Republic
1.
The Scope and Subjects of Chinese History | 'Han China' and 'Multi-Ethnic China'
2.
Zhou Gucheng's Perception and Narrative of Foreign Wars | The Celestial Empire's "Conquest"
3.
Chen Mu's Perception and Narrative of Foreign Wars | The Dance War and the War of National Defense
4.
Pan Yuanran and Lü Zhenwei's Perception and Narrative of Foreign Wars | Wars of Aggression and Wars of Counter-Aggression
5.
Imperial Narrative | Feudal Empire and Prefecture Empire
6.
The Conflicting Situations of the Four Commandments｜Changes and Continuity Since 1949
Chapter 8: "Revival of China" and Imperialism and Republicanism: A New Compilation of the Reform and Opening Period
1.
Compilation of a large-scale grammar/civilization history and its main features
2.
The Historical Narrative of the "Revival of China" | Praise and Reflection on the Zhonghua Province
3.
Narratives of Ethnic Relations and Foreign Wars | The Trends of Imperialism and Republicism
Chapter 9: China and the World in World History with Chinese Characteristics: A Nationally Compiled University Textbook in the Xi Jinping Era
1.
Cognitive System | The Interrelated Whole History of the Three Subjects
2.
Unity and South-South Cooperation in Third World/Developing Countries | An Attempt at a Conceptual Narrative
3.
Reform of Socialist Countries and the Chinese Model
4.
A leader in counter-hegemony and international order reform
5.
The (im)possibility of a world history with Chinese characteristics
Beyond Chinese Exceptionalism
1.
Nationalism and Imperialism
2.
Peace China narrative
3.
Security Dilemma and Siege Fear
main
Search
In publishing the book
Introduction: A Perspective on 100 Years of Modern China
1.
Nation-State and Empire | Existing Perception Framework
2.
Imperial Republicanism | Institutions, Ideas, and Aims
3.
Three Chinas | Two Realities and One Imagination
Part 1: Long Live the Republic and Imperial Inertia: Imperial Republicanism
Chapter 1: The Birth of Modern History: A New Era of Republic and Anti-Imperialism
1.
The emergence and meaning of the term 'modern'
2.
The Birth and Origins of 'Modern History'
3.
Institutional stability of modern history education
4.
Delay in modern history research
Chapter 2 Imperial Republicanism: The Compromise and Tension Between Imperial Inertia and Republican Ideology
1.
Types of republican government and eclecticism
2.
The theory of the Republic of Heo Jun and the imperial nature of 'Greater China'
3.
Imperial Republicanism and the Imperialism of 'Greater China'
4.
Imperial Republicanism and the Republicanism of 'Greater China'
5.
The establishment of the Republic and the subsequent imperial republicanism
Chapter 3: The Structure of the Theory of China and the Theory of the Chinese Nation: Anti-Imperialism and Imperialism of the Five-Clan Republic
1.
Formation of anti-China theory
2.
The Duality of National Perception | Cultural Ethnicity and National Ethnicity
3.
Imperialism of National Perception | National Imperialism
4.
Theory of Mono-ethnicity | The Unity and Diversity of Constituents
5.
The Absoluteization of the Theory of the Chinese Nation | The Ethnicity and Race of the Constituent Elements
6.
The theory of the Chinese nation from the perspective of imperial republicanism
Part 2: The Rise of the Republic: Anti-Imperialist Solidarity and China in the World
Chapter 4: The Formation and Development of the Just War Theory: From the Anti-Japanese War to the Anti-American War
1.
The spread and divergence of international justice theory after World War I
2.
The Anti-Japanese War Perceptions of the Kuomintang and Communist Parties After the Manchurian Incident | Just War, Sacred War
3.
The Communist Party's Perception of the War to Resist American Aggression after the Korean War | Just War
Chapter 5: The Three Principles of the People International: Revolutionary China's Self-Representation and Design of Order
1.
The Three Principles of the People's Theory of World Revolution and the International Status of Revolutionary China
2.
The Proposal for the Establishment of the "Sammin Gukje" and Its Limited Response, 1924–1926
3.
The Rise and Radicalization of the "Sammin Gukje" Theory, 1927-1932
4.
The stagnation and long-term development of the "Sammin Gukje" (National People's Republic of China) theory, 1932-1942
5.
Towards a New International
Chapter 6: From Neutral Zone to Third Pole: China's Self-Perception and Foreign Policy After the Korean War
1.
The Korean War and the Resurgence of a "Strong China" | The Dream of Establishing the Eastern Intelligence Agency
2.
Advances in the Face of Blockade and Encirclement | The Middle Ground Strategy and the Centering of World Revolution
3.
Triangular Diplomacy Towards a Third Pole｜From Pro-Americanism to Pro-Americanism
4.
Beyond the Third Pole | The Center of Third World Peace and Development/Anti-Hegemony
Part 3: Imperialism and Republicanism in Historical Narratives
Chapter 7: Three Perspectives on Imperial China's Foreign Wars: A General History Before and After the Establishment of the People's Republic
1.
The Scope and Subjects of Chinese History | 'Han China' and 'Multi-Ethnic China'
2.
Zhou Gucheng's Perception and Narrative of Foreign Wars | The Celestial Empire's "Conquest"
3.
Chen Mu's Perception and Narrative of Foreign Wars | The Dance War and the War of National Defense
4.
Pan Yuanran and Lü Zhenwei's Perception and Narrative of Foreign Wars | Wars of Aggression and Wars of Counter-Aggression
5.
Imperial Narrative | Feudal Empire and Prefecture Empire
6.
The Conflicting Situations of the Four Commandments｜Changes and Continuity Since 1949
Chapter 8: "Revival of China" and Imperialism and Republicanism: A New Compilation of the Reform and Opening Period
1.
Compilation of a large-scale grammar/civilization history and its main features
2.
The Historical Narrative of the "Revival of China" | Praise and Reflection on the Zhonghua Province
3.
Narratives of Ethnic Relations and Foreign Wars | The Trends of Imperialism and Republicism
Chapter 9: China and the World in World History with Chinese Characteristics: A Nationally Compiled University Textbook in the Xi Jinping Era
1.
Cognitive System | The Interrelated Whole History of the Three Subjects
2.
Unity and South-South Cooperation in Third World/Developing Countries | An Attempt at a Conceptual Narrative
3.
Reform of Socialist Countries and the Chinese Model
4.
A leader in counter-hegemony and international order reform
5.
The (im)possibility of a world history with Chinese characteristics
Beyond Chinese Exceptionalism
1.
Nationalism and Imperialism
2.
Peace China narrative
3.
Security Dilemma and Siege Fear
main
Search
Into the book
The concept of China as a multi-ethnic nation was gradually formed only after the mid-Qing period.
Emperor Yongzheng reformed the traditional theory of Huai and created a ruling ideology that regarded the official national title “Great Qing” as the Chinese of the five tribes, and in 1767, Emperor Qianlong institutionalized that when addressing the Qing dynasty in distant foreign countries, it must be written as “Tianzu or China.”
After that, the Qing emperors continued the idea that 'the Qing is China' and even applied it to diplomatic documents.
Accordingly, China subsequently came to have the concept of Han China = Small China, as well as the concept of multi-ethnic China = Great China, encompassing the entire Qing Dynasty territory.
--- p.25 From the "Introduction"
“Politicians call a country with (overseas) territories an empire, and the United States a republic.
The so-called Republic cannot have a vassal state, and a vassal state is the opposite of an empire.
However, since both France and the United States are republics with territories, they cannot be anything other than imperialism,” and this is called “imperial republicanism.”
It advocated imperial republicanism, which is a republic with a territory = colony = territory.
In fact, there was a long-standing debate surrounding this in the United States and France.
--- p.83 From “Chapter 2 | Imperial Republicanism”
The Chinese revolution is part of the world revolution, so the Chinese national revolution can only succeed if the scope of struggle expands to the entire world.
The central force of the current world revolution has shifted from the proletariat to the weak nations, the highest principle of the world revolution has shifted from communism to the Three Principles of the People, and the leading body of the world revolution has shifted from the Comintern to the National International, as the trend suggests.
How to organize a national international and complete the Chinese revolution and the world revolution is the responsibility and duty of the Chinese Kuomintang.
--- p.175 From “Chapter 5 | The Three People’s Principles International”
The narrative of the Qing Dynasty's foreign mercenaries can be divided into pre-modern and post-modern periods.
First, looking at Russia, Myanmar, and Annam, … … Emperor Kangxi counterattacked against Russia’s invasion of China and its “colonial robbery of plunder, arson, murder, and rape” and signed a treaty to establish the border between the two countries, calling it the “Great War of National Self-Defense.”
This is the only war that the ‘Baipyeon Tongsa’ refers to as a “war of national self-defense” among the wars of the imperial China.
The Qianlong Emperor's mercenary campaigns in Burma and Annam were covered as part of his 'Ten Military Expeditions'.
“Qianlong served as a mercenary in Myanmar from 1766 to 1769 and in Annam from 1788 to 1789.
In terms of the nature of war, both of these mercenary wars were unjust wars that brought disaster to the people of China, Burma, and Annam.”
--- p.283 From “Chapter 8 | ‘Revival of China’ and Imperialism and Republic”
Unlike in the past, modern and contemporary security threats to China have emerged from both land powers in the northwest (Russia) and maritime powers in the southeast (Britain, France, the United States, Germany, and Japan).
Now, the sense of crisis that we were surrounded on all sides by imperialist powers almost simultaneously reached its peak.
This increased the need to secure direct control over traditional borderlands and neighboring countries, and not only did China's cultural superiority disappear, but the "fensok" (a defensive fence) was reinterpreted as a buffer state in the modern sense, becoming more important than before.
However, the vassal state soon became a colony of the great powers, and for the first time, China was left without a “wall” and was reduced to a “non-China China,” and had to endure “100 years of humiliation.”
Emperor Yongzheng reformed the traditional theory of Huai and created a ruling ideology that regarded the official national title “Great Qing” as the Chinese of the five tribes, and in 1767, Emperor Qianlong institutionalized that when addressing the Qing dynasty in distant foreign countries, it must be written as “Tianzu or China.”
After that, the Qing emperors continued the idea that 'the Qing is China' and even applied it to diplomatic documents.
Accordingly, China subsequently came to have the concept of Han China = Small China, as well as the concept of multi-ethnic China = Great China, encompassing the entire Qing Dynasty territory.
--- p.25 From the "Introduction"
“Politicians call a country with (overseas) territories an empire, and the United States a republic.
The so-called Republic cannot have a vassal state, and a vassal state is the opposite of an empire.
However, since both France and the United States are republics with territories, they cannot be anything other than imperialism,” and this is called “imperial republicanism.”
It advocated imperial republicanism, which is a republic with a territory = colony = territory.
In fact, there was a long-standing debate surrounding this in the United States and France.
--- p.83 From “Chapter 2 | Imperial Republicanism”
The Chinese revolution is part of the world revolution, so the Chinese national revolution can only succeed if the scope of struggle expands to the entire world.
The central force of the current world revolution has shifted from the proletariat to the weak nations, the highest principle of the world revolution has shifted from communism to the Three Principles of the People, and the leading body of the world revolution has shifted from the Comintern to the National International, as the trend suggests.
How to organize a national international and complete the Chinese revolution and the world revolution is the responsibility and duty of the Chinese Kuomintang.
--- p.175 From “Chapter 5 | The Three People’s Principles International”
The narrative of the Qing Dynasty's foreign mercenaries can be divided into pre-modern and post-modern periods.
First, looking at Russia, Myanmar, and Annam, … … Emperor Kangxi counterattacked against Russia’s invasion of China and its “colonial robbery of plunder, arson, murder, and rape” and signed a treaty to establish the border between the two countries, calling it the “Great War of National Self-Defense.”
This is the only war that the ‘Baipyeon Tongsa’ refers to as a “war of national self-defense” among the wars of the imperial China.
The Qianlong Emperor's mercenary campaigns in Burma and Annam were covered as part of his 'Ten Military Expeditions'.
“Qianlong served as a mercenary in Myanmar from 1766 to 1769 and in Annam from 1788 to 1789.
In terms of the nature of war, both of these mercenary wars were unjust wars that brought disaster to the people of China, Burma, and Annam.”
--- p.283 From “Chapter 8 | ‘Revival of China’ and Imperialism and Republic”
Unlike in the past, modern and contemporary security threats to China have emerged from both land powers in the northwest (Russia) and maritime powers in the southeast (Britain, France, the United States, Germany, and Japan).
Now, the sense of crisis that we were surrounded on all sides by imperialist powers almost simultaneously reached its peak.
This increased the need to secure direct control over traditional borderlands and neighboring countries, and not only did China's cultural superiority disappear, but the "fensok" (a defensive fence) was reinterpreted as a buffer state in the modern sense, becoming more important than before.
However, the vassal state soon became a colony of the great powers, and for the first time, China was left without a “wall” and was reduced to a “non-China China,” and had to endure “100 years of humiliation.”
--- p.337 From “The Final Chapter | Beyond Chinese Exceptionalism”
Publisher's Review
The overlap and tension between republicanism and imperialism,
Appear differently depending on the 'Three Chinas'
To understand the relationship between republicanism and empire, we must distinguish between the inside and outside of China.
The author focused on three Chinas: the China of the Han people, a military district that has existed since the Jin Dynasty, and the China of the multi-ethnic peoples that only emerged in modern times, including the Manchu, Mongolian, Hui (Uyghur), and Tibetan (Tibetan) peoples, and the 'imagined China' that is different from these two realities, and revealed the complexity of self-perception that follows.
Contemporary figures like Liang Qichao and Lu Xun acknowledged the reality of a “legal state” that had to protect China, but were troubled by the gap between China and the “psychological state” of small China.
This is consistent with the gap between imperialism and republicanism, and how to resolve it remains an unfinished task to this day.
Imperial republicans like Zhang Qin, while facing the contradiction between republicanism and imperialism, argued that in order to preserve China, the Qing emperor should be preserved as a great emperor with only religious authority, serving as a psychological center encompassing the five ethnic groups, and a republic should be established and operated based on the consent of ethnic minorities. This was the result of an attempt at compromise between multiple Chinas.
Depending on which of the three types of China is used as a standard, the degree of imperialism varies, which in turn limits and undermines the degree of republicanism.
To add depth to the analysis, the concepts of empire and republic were divided into three types according to their level of severity, and the '100 Years of the Republic' was divided into three periods.
The Inertia and Temptations of Empire: A Comparison with the US and France
The Republic of China, through the interaction of its own long-standing imperial consciousness and the modern imperial consciousness of the great powers, sought to establish a hierarchical international order with itself at the top among the peoples and nations of the East and the world.
It was concretized in the theory of a just war against imperialism and aggression, the Kuomintang's Three Principles of the People International and the Communist Party's Eastern Intelligence Agency (Asian Cominform) concept, and the People's Republic's "Great Triangle" diplomacy and world revolution-centered theory.
Through this, both the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China showed a strong will to elevate themselves from Empire 1 to Empire 2 while pursuing republicanism along with globality, but due to lack of national power, they remained mere intentions and goals.
By successfully transforming into an economic powerhouse through reform and openness, the country is gaining the national strength to support the restoration of its imperial status.
The author attempted to relativize the threat theory that regards China's imperialism as an exceptional phenomenon by comparing it with the United States and France from the perspective of imperial republicanism.
In the United States and France, too, the compromise and tension between republicanism and imperialism persisted for a long time, starting immediately after the revolution.
A debate ensued between those who argued that the temptations of empire should be resisted in accordance with the republican ideals stipulated in the Declaration of Independence and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, and those who promoted imperialization under the pretext of enhancing national prestige. However, in the end, the country chose the path of an “imperial republic” in both securing colonies and foreign policy.
In other words, the US and France, which have far less imperial experience and imperial inertia than China but have the most experience with republics in the modern sense, and the Republic of China, which references them, are in fact “imperial republics” that have not been able to resist the temptation of empire.
At the same time, it also addressed the empire/imperialism of Chinese characteristics, contrary to the mainstream Chinese exceptionalist view that the Republic of China had no imperialism, by promoting the narrative of a peaceful China.
Book structure
This book is divided into three parts: an introduction, an epilogue, and nine chapters in the main text.
Contemporary China's self-awareness is divided into two dimensions: reality and history, with the former covered in Parts 1 and 2, and the latter covered in Part 3.
In the introduction, this book presents imperial republicanism, the perspective of which looks at the 100 years of modern China = Republic of China, by comparing it with the theory of overlapping 'empire-nation state'. Then, it divides the concepts of empire and republic to support this into three according to the level of emergency and examines three different concepts of China, each with a different scope of China.
Part 1, “Long Live the Republic and Imperial Inertia: Imperial Republicanism,” examines the circumstances and significance of the birth of a new historical perception framework called “modern history” starting with the Republican Revolution of 1911, the identity concept, concept, and aspirations of imperial republicanism, and the imperialism toward ethnic minorities internalized in the anti-imperialist logic of the Five-Clan Republic with China as its base and its theory of the Chinese nation as the sole subject.
These became the foundation for defining the Chinese people's perception of reality and history during the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd periods of the Republic.
Part 2, “The Rise of the Republic of China: Anti-Imperialist Solidarity and China in the World,” examines the formation and development of the Just War Theory from the Anti-Japanese War to the Vietnam War, the concept and significance of organizing a China-led Sanminism International that embraced the weak nations of the East and the world through the just nature of anti-imperialist and anti-aggression, and the meaning of this plan to exert China’s global influence; and the context in which the People’s Republic of China, after the Korean War, formed a self-perception of itself as one part of the “Great Triangle” with the United States and the Soviet Union, using the middle ground as a springboard, and, after the abortive attempt to establish the Eastern Intelligence Bureau as the center of the Eastern Revolution, declared itself the “center of the world revolution” during the Cultural Revolution.
Part 3, “Imperialism and Republicanism in Historical Narratives,” deals with the perception of historical China.
Through the general history compiled before and after the establishment of the People's Republic, we examine the three perspectives (conquest, futility, invasion) on imperial China's foreign wars and their development; through the newly compiled general history of the Reform and Opening Period, we examine the aspiration for "Revival of China" and its imperial and republican nature; and through the nationally compiled university textbooks of the Xi Jinping era, we examine the perception of "China-the-world" and the (im)possibility of a "world history with Chinese characteristics" in relation to a "new world history."
The reason for analyzing the syntax is that, among the various forms of historical narrative, it is known to be the most effective in forming national and ethnic identity.
In the final chapter, by comparing imperial republicanism with the cases of the United States and France, we critically examine two theories of Chinese exception (the theory of hegemony over China and the theory of royalism over China), and examine the problems facing imperialist strategies by dividing them into the special dilemma of China, namely the fear of encirclement, and the general dilemma of modern empires.
Appear differently depending on the 'Three Chinas'
To understand the relationship between republicanism and empire, we must distinguish between the inside and outside of China.
The author focused on three Chinas: the China of the Han people, a military district that has existed since the Jin Dynasty, and the China of the multi-ethnic peoples that only emerged in modern times, including the Manchu, Mongolian, Hui (Uyghur), and Tibetan (Tibetan) peoples, and the 'imagined China' that is different from these two realities, and revealed the complexity of self-perception that follows.
Contemporary figures like Liang Qichao and Lu Xun acknowledged the reality of a “legal state” that had to protect China, but were troubled by the gap between China and the “psychological state” of small China.
This is consistent with the gap between imperialism and republicanism, and how to resolve it remains an unfinished task to this day.
Imperial republicans like Zhang Qin, while facing the contradiction between republicanism and imperialism, argued that in order to preserve China, the Qing emperor should be preserved as a great emperor with only religious authority, serving as a psychological center encompassing the five ethnic groups, and a republic should be established and operated based on the consent of ethnic minorities. This was the result of an attempt at compromise between multiple Chinas.
Depending on which of the three types of China is used as a standard, the degree of imperialism varies, which in turn limits and undermines the degree of republicanism.
To add depth to the analysis, the concepts of empire and republic were divided into three types according to their level of severity, and the '100 Years of the Republic' was divided into three periods.
The Inertia and Temptations of Empire: A Comparison with the US and France
The Republic of China, through the interaction of its own long-standing imperial consciousness and the modern imperial consciousness of the great powers, sought to establish a hierarchical international order with itself at the top among the peoples and nations of the East and the world.
It was concretized in the theory of a just war against imperialism and aggression, the Kuomintang's Three Principles of the People International and the Communist Party's Eastern Intelligence Agency (Asian Cominform) concept, and the People's Republic's "Great Triangle" diplomacy and world revolution-centered theory.
Through this, both the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China showed a strong will to elevate themselves from Empire 1 to Empire 2 while pursuing republicanism along with globality, but due to lack of national power, they remained mere intentions and goals.
By successfully transforming into an economic powerhouse through reform and openness, the country is gaining the national strength to support the restoration of its imperial status.
The author attempted to relativize the threat theory that regards China's imperialism as an exceptional phenomenon by comparing it with the United States and France from the perspective of imperial republicanism.
In the United States and France, too, the compromise and tension between republicanism and imperialism persisted for a long time, starting immediately after the revolution.
A debate ensued between those who argued that the temptations of empire should be resisted in accordance with the republican ideals stipulated in the Declaration of Independence and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, and those who promoted imperialization under the pretext of enhancing national prestige. However, in the end, the country chose the path of an “imperial republic” in both securing colonies and foreign policy.
In other words, the US and France, which have far less imperial experience and imperial inertia than China but have the most experience with republics in the modern sense, and the Republic of China, which references them, are in fact “imperial republics” that have not been able to resist the temptation of empire.
At the same time, it also addressed the empire/imperialism of Chinese characteristics, contrary to the mainstream Chinese exceptionalist view that the Republic of China had no imperialism, by promoting the narrative of a peaceful China.
Book structure
This book is divided into three parts: an introduction, an epilogue, and nine chapters in the main text.
Contemporary China's self-awareness is divided into two dimensions: reality and history, with the former covered in Parts 1 and 2, and the latter covered in Part 3.
In the introduction, this book presents imperial republicanism, the perspective of which looks at the 100 years of modern China = Republic of China, by comparing it with the theory of overlapping 'empire-nation state'. Then, it divides the concepts of empire and republic to support this into three according to the level of emergency and examines three different concepts of China, each with a different scope of China.
Part 1, “Long Live the Republic and Imperial Inertia: Imperial Republicanism,” examines the circumstances and significance of the birth of a new historical perception framework called “modern history” starting with the Republican Revolution of 1911, the identity concept, concept, and aspirations of imperial republicanism, and the imperialism toward ethnic minorities internalized in the anti-imperialist logic of the Five-Clan Republic with China as its base and its theory of the Chinese nation as the sole subject.
These became the foundation for defining the Chinese people's perception of reality and history during the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd periods of the Republic.
Part 2, “The Rise of the Republic of China: Anti-Imperialist Solidarity and China in the World,” examines the formation and development of the Just War Theory from the Anti-Japanese War to the Vietnam War, the concept and significance of organizing a China-led Sanminism International that embraced the weak nations of the East and the world through the just nature of anti-imperialist and anti-aggression, and the meaning of this plan to exert China’s global influence; and the context in which the People’s Republic of China, after the Korean War, formed a self-perception of itself as one part of the “Great Triangle” with the United States and the Soviet Union, using the middle ground as a springboard, and, after the abortive attempt to establish the Eastern Intelligence Bureau as the center of the Eastern Revolution, declared itself the “center of the world revolution” during the Cultural Revolution.
Part 3, “Imperialism and Republicanism in Historical Narratives,” deals with the perception of historical China.
Through the general history compiled before and after the establishment of the People's Republic, we examine the three perspectives (conquest, futility, invasion) on imperial China's foreign wars and their development; through the newly compiled general history of the Reform and Opening Period, we examine the aspiration for "Revival of China" and its imperial and republican nature; and through the nationally compiled university textbooks of the Xi Jinping era, we examine the perception of "China-the-world" and the (im)possibility of a "world history with Chinese characteristics" in relation to a "new world history."
The reason for analyzing the syntax is that, among the various forms of historical narrative, it is known to be the most effective in forming national and ethnic identity.
In the final chapter, by comparing imperial republicanism with the cases of the United States and France, we critically examine two theories of Chinese exception (the theory of hegemony over China and the theory of royalism over China), and examine the problems facing imperialist strategies by dividing them into the special dilemma of China, namely the fear of encirclement, and the general dilemma of modern empires.
GOODS SPECIFICS
- Date of issue: November 10, 2025
- Format: Hardcover book binding method guide
- Page count, weight, size: 400 pages | 153*224*30mm
- ISBN13: 9788946074651
- ISBN10: 8946074655
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