Part 1: The Beginning of International Politics: Waltz
Chapter 1: Waltz: Providing a Logical Foundation for International Political Theory

Part 2: The Development of Realist Theory
Chapter 2: Van Evera: Military Strategy Determines the Behavior of Nations
Chapter 3: Mearsheimer: An Anarchic International System is Extremely Dangerous
Chapter 4: The Sweller: The Existence of Aggressive Nations
Chapter 5: Walt: Distinguishing Between Threatening and Powerful States

Part 3: The Importance of Domestic Politics and International Political Theory
Chapter 6: Russett: Democracies Don't Go to War with Each Other
Chapter 7: Snyder: Domestic Politics Determines a Nation's Foreign Behavior

Part 4: The Importance of International Systems and International Cooperation
Chapter 8: Kohane: Lack of Information is the Root of the Problem
Chapter 9: Cucumbers: In anarchy, nations sometimes cooperate.

Part 5: Culture and Identity in International Politics
Chapter 10: Wendt: Different Identities in International Anarchy
Chapter 11: Johnston: Understanding the Nation's Mindset

Part 6: Analysis and Application of Waltz Theory
Chapter 12 Walter: Ending the Ethnic Strife Requires Outside Intervention
Chapter 13: Powell: A Pure Form of Realist International Relations Theory

The discussion about international politics is very old.
International politics began with the ancient Greek historian Thucydides, and his work [History of the Peloponnesian War] is considered the oldest work on international politics.
However, the theoretical discussion on international politics as of 2009 is based on the work of Kenneth N.
It originated from Waltz.


Thirty years ago, in 1979, Waltz's [Theory of International Politics] was published.
In that book, which later became the bible of international political theory, Waltz laid out important arguments that have become the core foundation of international political theory today.
In particular, the concept of 'anarchy of the international system' proposed by Waltz became the foundation of international political theory, and almost all theories were discussed based on it.
Just as the Rosetta Stone, discovered during Napoleon's Egyptian expedition, and Champollion's interpretation of it provided knowledge about ancient Egyptian civilization, Waltz's theory played a similar role in discussions of international politics.

This book focuses on the theory of waltz and focuses on 12 scholars who have challenged or supplemented it.
Through this, the main contents of Waltz's theory and the changes and developments in international political theory after Waltz are explained in a more clear and interesting way.

Waltz provided the starting point for international political theory.
Although scholars before Waltz provided very important insights and analyses, subsequent scholars did not build a theoretical framework.
But the waltz was different.
He presented the concept of anarchy in the international system, which served as a logical foundation for subsequent research in his theory, and thus functioned as the 'Rosetta Stone of international political theory.'
Since then, international political theory has developed in a very deductive way, analyzing the impact of international anarchy on state behavior and simultaneously identifying additional variables needed to explain state behavior more precisely.
All theorists have criticized Waltz, and no one has accepted Waltz's theory in the form in which he presented it.
However, Waltz's theory has been the starting point for discussions in international political theory, and will continue to play that role in the future.
For these reasons within international political theory, Waltz's theory will inevitably continue to be discussed in the future.

On the one hand, Waltz's theory is likely to receive renewed attention due to changes in circumstances outside of international political theory, namely the real world of international politics.
As of 2009, the most important changes in the world are the relative decline of the American Empire and the rise of China.
Since 2003, the United States has been mired in the Iraq War and continues to waste its military power and resources.
Additionally, the 2008 global financial crisis dealt a huge blow to the U.S. economy.
On the other hand, China's economy is growing rapidly and has successfully responded proactively to the financial crisis, maintaining its economic power and expanding its political influence.
These real-world changes bring about another bipolar system in the structure of the international system.
In other words, rather than a unipolar system centered on the United States, there is a high possibility that a bipolar system will emerge with two superpowers, the United States and China.
While many scholars and policy analysts predict instability in response to China's rise, Waltz, based on his theoretical conclusions, would see the bipolar system between the United States and China as as stable as the bipolar system between the United States and the Soviet Union.
And Waltz, who emphasizes the stabilizing effect of nuclear weapons, will present an optimistic view that the structure of the new international system will be more stable because both the United States and China possess nuclear weapons.
Many scholars will likely object to this conclusion, and in the process, Waltz's theory is likely to emerge as a key point not only in debates on international political theory but also in policy debates.

There is a practical necessity, along with the internal reasons for the emergence of international political theory as we know it today, through Waltz's theory and the debates surrounding it.
In particular, the real world we live in is gradually changing in a direction in which Waltz's theory, which emphasized the stability of the bipolar system, is becoming more applicable.
A paradoxical situation is emerging where it is not the theory that was created 30 years ago that is changing, but rather 'reality is changing to fit the theory.'
Therefore, Waltz's theory still holds a central position in both international political reality and international political theory in 2009, 30 years later.


[Introduction]

This book is divided into six parts and thirteen chapters, each chapter focusing on one international political theorist.
Chapter 1 is, of course, a waltz.
Waltz presented an important discussion that became the starting point of international political theory.
Among them, the core concept is ‘international anarchy.’
The anarchy of the international system means that there is no authority higher than individual sovereign states.
However, this does not mean that international politics is chaotic or disorderly.
Waltz, in particular, believed that international politics could be quite stable.
Of course, there is a possibility of chaos and disorder because there is no higher authority than the state, but I do not believe that such chaos and disorder are inevitable results of the anarchy of international politics.
It is no exaggeration to say that Waltz's theory revolves around the anarchy of the international system.

Almost all scholars accept the concept of anarchy in the international system, but at the same time point out the problems with Waltz's theory.
Efforts to point out and supplement the empirical limitations and theoretical problems of Waltz's theory have been made, especially by scholars who have attempted to accept the main parts of Waltz's theory rather than completely replace it and maintain the so-called 'realist' theoretical system.
As a result, realism has developed in various ways today.
Part 2 covers this.
First, in Chapter 2, we will examine Mearsheimer's aggressive realism, which views an anarchic international system as extremely dangerous.
Chapter 3 then examines Van Evera's defensive realism, which considers the anarchic international system itself not particularly dangerous, and Chapter 4 examines Sweller's neoclassical realism, which does not present a clear opinion on the anarchic international system itself but introduces national interests and types, which were used by theorists before Waltz, as additional independent variables to better explain state behavior.
Chapter 5 deals with Waltz's critique of the alliance theory, arguing that alliances are formed on the basis of threats rather than a balance of power.

Waltz believed that domestic politics was irrelevant in international politics.
However, many scholars accept the importance of domestic politics in international politics.
In Part 2, we examine the arguments of theorists who emphasize the importance of domestic politics in response to Waltz's argument.
Many realist theorists supplement their explanations with domestic political variables.
In particular, Snyder, who deals with this in Chapter 7, emphasizes the importance of domestic politics from a defensive realist perspective.
In Chapter 6, Russett argues for the 'democratic peace theory', which states that democratic nations do not go to war with each other.
In other words, the anarchy of the international system itself disappears among democratic countries, and permanent peace is achieved.
This was a powerful refutation of Waltz's theory.
Realism, which analyzes the realities of international politics, faces the problem of failing to explain the 'reality' that democratic states do not go to war with each other.
In particular, the problem with Waltz's realist theory is revealed in that this reality is based on the 'domestic politics' of democracy, which Waltz argued was meaningless.
Snyder, who is discussed in Chapter 7, also emphasizes the importance of domestic politics from a defensive realist perspective.

Waltz saw little possibility of cooperation in international politics.
But in reality, states cooperate in an anarchic international system and pursue common interests.
In this regard, a theoretical system called institutionalism presented a new perspective.
The reason international cooperation fails is because the information costs between countries are too high, and cooperation is possible if information costs can be lowered through international institutions.
Additionally, individual countries can induce cooperation from others by employing appropriate strategies.
Kohane, discussed in Chapter 8, and Oi, explained in Chapter 9, are representative scholars who have made such claims.
In particular, Kohane did not present a new theory that completely replaced Waltz's theory, but he was a very important figure who created institutionalism theory to analyze international cooperation, which had not received much attention in existing realist theory.

In Waltz theory, all countries are equal.
However, individual countries have different views of what they consider to be their own interests, and they behave differently even under the same conditions.
Constructivism analyzes the influence of the identities and cultures of nations on national behavior and international politics.
In Chapter 10, Wendt discusses how the material conditions of an anarchic international system are interpreted and what differences they represent in social context and meaning.
In Chapter 11, Johnston then demonstrates the determinative power of culture on the most 'realistic' of issues: the use of military force.
In this way, constructivist theory emphasizes the importance of conceptual variables as a strong counterargument to realist theory, which emphasizes material variables.
Constructivist theoretical systems today are very diverse and internally most differentiated.


In most cases, when classifying and explaining international political theory, the theoretical systems are classified into realism, liberalism, institutionalism, constructivism, etc., and the arguments included in each theoretical system are analyzed.
However, it is possible to avoid such strict theoretical system classification and discuss international politics centered on individual puzzles.
In Chapter 12, Walter analyzes ethnic conflict without adhering to a specific theoretical framework, but instead focuses on the reality presented by empirical data.
Furthermore, in Chapter 13, Powell begins with a discussion of an anarchic international system and arrives at a conclusion different from Waltz's.
This method of discussion is very important in that it is not bound to a specific theoretical system.
This research trend of objectively analyzing Waltz theory and applying it independently of the theoretical system is a very valuable asset for the development of international political theory.